John Manley for Leader

Who is the mysterious most centrist person running for leadership?

2008-10-26T21:28:00.002-06:00

Is the choice Kinsella's, who he closely guards? "He or she needs to TAKE THE LIBERAL PARTY BACK TO THE CENTRE of the spectrum"

Is the centre Senator Jerry Grafstein's hopeful choice, 'Pinball' Clemons? - "I was all set to go home, but I sat glued to my seat. His is the politics of hope."

Is it David McGuinty?

Is it a mysterious stranger coming in from the dark, a particularly Manley Man?

Manley tests waters?

2008-10-17T17:26:00.003-06:00

Manley has emerged once again as the source of choice for comment on the government... I wonder if the media is just being friendly or if their is trial ballooning going on?

On Afghanistan:
Interview: John Manley, Chair of Canada's panel on Afghanistan on the mission and what comes next Transcript

Choice Quote:

"I think there's a continuing sense of disillusionment with the mission overall."

John Manley shows his beaker days aren't far behind, when he valiantly wore a striped tie with a pinstripe suit for an interview Wednesday(CBC)

On the banking bailout:

Ottawa may make millions on CMHC plan for banks
choice excerpt (Globe and Mail):

John Manley, a former deputy prime minister and finance minister, said he was surprised Ottawa didn't pick up the program earlier.

"They make money on it, it increases liquidity in the system - why don't you answer the phone when people suggest things?" he said, pointing out that banks had been suggesting the program for some time.

Historical Quote on the Economy

For emerging and developing economies, recent events are another stern reminder of the need for strong policy frameworks based on sound monetary policy, strengthened financial sector supervision and regulation, and the adoption of prudent public debt and fiscal management. - John Manley at the International Monetary and Financial Committee, Washington, D.C., September 28, 2002

Speaking on behalf of Antigua and Barbuda, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Canada, Dominica, Grenada, Ireland, Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines

Manley Update!

2008-10-16T19:54:00.001-06:00

Manley Podcast with the Globe and Mail - Post Election Wrap up Transcript here.

Quote of the day:

"We have learned many lessons from past crisis, but clearly, a universal, lasting solution is elusive. One important critical step forward, however, would be the creation of a framework for resolving international financial crises that would function much the same as in domestic jurisdictions - through a system of rules and regulations, and with the authority to protect both creditors and borrowers. Such a system would not only provide a more orderly resolution of international financial crises, but it would also, we believe, help prevent these crises from occurring in the first place.
This is, perhaps, an ideal, but Canada is working towards that goal with our G-7 partners to forge a more predictable and effective method of managing financial crises - one that encourages workouts rather than bailouts. That work will continue this weekend in Washington."

- John Manley to the Canadian Society of New York September 25, 2002

Manley in the news:
Liberals leaned too far left: Manley - The Star

Leadership Mentions:
Liberals deny Dion quitting today

All Canada Focused On Defeated Liberal Party Leader

Deposing Dion: Not if but when

Knives come out swiftly for Dion

There is life after leader

Liberal MP issues first public call for Dion to quit

Manley on the Anti Terrorism Act

2007-02-14T21:30:00.000-07:00

From Macleans new interactive-ness
John Manley:
The provisions of Bill C-36 were the subject of lengthy and heartfelt debate, both in Cabinet and in Parliament at the time of their adoption. I think Canadians would have found it reassuring to hear their government struggling with a profoundly important question, namely: what are the appropriate limitations on civil liberties when the security and well-being of the public are threatened?

I believe that Cabinet and Parliament got the balance right in 2001-02. And I do not believe that anything has changed to make that balance inappropriate today. The special powers contained in C-36 are far less draconian than comparable measures adopted in other western democracies, such as the United Kingdom. The very fact that these powers have not been used in Canada satisfies me that they have not been abused. If ever they are used, I believe there are adequate checks on the use of these powers, such as mandatory judicial review, to ensure that they are not abused.

The most important responsibility of government is the preservation of order and the protection of its citizens. And the most important civil liberty is freedom from fear of harm on the part of the civilian population, without which our other liberties mean very little. The anti-terrorism law did not violate the Charter of Rights as some have claimed. If ever needed, it may be key to protecting our citizens from
serious harm, enabling them to enjoy the rights that the Charter guarantees them.

Manley on NATO

2006-10-31T12:30:00.000-07:00

NATO risks alliance: Manley

Mike Blanchfield
CanWest News Service

Tuesday, October 31, 2006

OTTAWA -- The NATO alliance could die if it does not get the troops it needs to fight the Taliban insurgency in southern Afghanistan, former foreign affairs minister John Manley said Monday.

Manley's sober assessment of the transatlantic alliance was echoed by current Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay, who suggested he is becoming frustrated by his repeated attempts to persuade fellow NATO countries to either send more troops to Afghanistan or remove their restrictions, called caveats, that prevent them from being deployed to the country's war-torn south where Canada and a handful of other nations are bearing the brunt of heavy fighting against the Taliban.

"This mission has created an enormous risk for NATO. Clearly, NATO has to expand out of Europe if it is to remain relevant," Manley said in a speech to a symposium of the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute in Ottawa.

"If it proves incapable of rallying forces, willing and able to do the job in Afghanistan, however you define that job, it could easily spell the effective end of the alliance."

Later, in a separate speech, MacKay reiterated the tough talk that he has been taking to European capitals and diplomatic audiences -- that Canada can't go it alone in southern Afghanistan and needs more countries in the 26-member alliance to send troops to the front lines or allow soldiers dispatched to other, less hostile parts of the country to join the fight in the south.

MacKay travelled recently to Hungary to meet with NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer to discuss the problem. After the speech, MacKay said he expected the issue to be "front and centre" when Prime Minister Stephen Harper and NATO's other 25 leaders meet in Latvia next month for their annual summit.

"I think that we're obviously looking at other issues at that time but Afghanistan and an assessment of the mission will occur at Riga. And that will be a time and a place to take stock of the future of NATO as well," MacKay said.

The U.S. ambassador to NATO said NATO needs to redefine itself for its new Afghan mission.

"We want NATO to be able to demonstrate when our heads meet four weeks from now that we have an alliance that is taking on global responsibilities, that it increasingly has the global capabilities to meet those responsibilities, and that it is doing it with global partners," Victoria Nuland, the U.S. ambassador to NATO, said Monday in a speech to a European foreign policy think-tank.

Nuland said NATO has to update its operating doctrine to reflect the fact it is now deploying outside its old European boundaries.

NATO's military contribution to Afghanistan is its first outside Europe as the alliance is trying to transform into a viable entity in the post 9/11 world. NATO was originally formed at the height of the Cold War to defend mainland Europe from the former Soviet Union.

Ottawa Citizen

John Manley on Israel

2006-08-07T00:37:00.000-06:00

Canada must adhere to its principled, thoughtful approach

The Gazette. Montreal, Que.: Jul 31, 2006. pg. A.15
By John Manley

We have never been neutral in the Middle East - we have always been a friend of Israel

Stephen Harper is right that we are a friend of Israel; but friends tell friends when they are wrong.

When the phone rang on Christmas morning in 2000, I was Canada's foreign affairs minister and enjoying the holiday with my family. It was the Israeli foreign minister, who asked that I encourage Prime Minister Jean Chretien to call Yasser Arafat and urge him to accept the proposal that was on the table during the last days of Bill Clinton's presidency.

The call signified Canada's ability to bridge differences between the protagonists in the Middle East conflict, based on our historic attempt to show good faith to both sides.

Recently, the Canadian policy has been wrongly portrayed in the media as having moved away from a "neutral" position on the Middle East conflict and toward one which is more "pro-Israel."

A few facts are worth remembering.

First, Canada has steadfastly supported the state of Israel, its right to exist and its right to defend its borders against those who would do it harm. This has been the policy of the Canadian government since the creation of the modern state of Israel in 1948.

Second, Canada has also recognized that the Palestinian people also have fundamental rights, including the right of refugees either to return to the land from which they were displaced or to receive just compensation.

Third, Canada has always been prepared to offer its constructive views, no matter who might be criticized as a result. Successive governments have criticized Israel for its ever-expanding settlements in areas occupied after the 1967 war, while the PLO, and later Hamas, were chastised for refusing to acknowledge Israel's right to exist as well as for their willingness to condone and promote violence against their Israeli neighbours.

But this does not constitute neutrality. Canada has never been a neutral or pacifist country. Rather, Canada has sought to pursue a fair-minded and balanced foreign policy based on principle. This does not mean not taking sides. On the contrary, if you have principles, you must take sides.

This was the government's approach when I was the foreign affairs minister and deputy prime minister from 2000 to 2003, and I could look for precedent to both Liberal and Conservative governments for more than 50 years.

An apparent shift had occurred in 1979 when Prime Minister Joe Clark proposed moving the Canadian embassy to Jerusalem, thereby implicitly recognizing Israel's unilateral occupation of East Jerusalem. On reflection, and after some careful work by the late Robert Stanfield, the government rethought its policy and to this day our embassy remains in Tel Aviv.

For me, the question remains open as to whether Prime Minister Stephen Harper has decided to shift Canada's policy after so many years.

I think he spoke too soon when he pronounced Israel's response to the kidnapping of two Israeli soldiers to be "measured." Does he now wish he had added the words "thus far"?

And measured against what? If he was saying that Israel's response, though justified, must not be disproportionate to the provocation, then he was squarely within Canada's traditional policy. If he meant to give Israel a carte blanche, he should not be criticized for conforming to U.S. policy; rather, he should be accused of being even more pro-Israel than the Americans.

Having been burned in effigy by the Palestinians, criticized editorially in Beirut (front page, no less) and berated by some members of Canada's Jewish community for positions I took as Canada's foreign minister, I am prepared to give our new prime minister the benefit of the doubt. For now.

However, I remain convinced that Canada has a meaningful role to play in situations of conflict, not because we have been peacekeepers, but because we can bring a thoughtful, principled approach to the resolution of conflict.

Israel's vigorous response to the deplorable behaviour of Hamas and Hezbollah in kidnapping Israeli soldiers from within Israel's own territory contrasts sharply with the response of Israeli governments in the past, whose protests were vehement, but well short of military action. One is forced to wonder if that great champion of Israel's right to defend itself, Ariel Sharon, who late in life abandoned his Likud Party and became the proponent of Israel's withdrawal from Gaza, would have felt it necessary to respond with such ferocity.

While I doubt a complete military defeat of Hezbollah is possible, it is arguably justifiable. It would also perform a useful service for beleaguered Lebanon by strengthening the hand of the Lebanese government, which has been incapable of asserting its sovereignty in regions controlled by Hezbollah forces.

For friends of Israel, though, the question is whether the defeat of Hezbollah would be worth the cost if it entailed the destruction of Lebanon and further increased the misery of Lebanese and Palestinian civilians. More victims mean more teenagers willing to die for the Hezbollah cause; thus, a military victory might prove Pyrrhic. Hezbollah, as an entity, will not be destroyed, because the deep animosities that led to its creation cannot be removed by 100- pound bombs.

Furthermore, the conflict so far, in addition to increasing support in the Arab world for jihad, has succeeded in driving up the stock of the radical Islamists in Iran and their clients in Syria, both of whom can be counted upon to support anyone who promises to make life difficult for the United States and Israel.

For Canada it remains important to be a true friend to the United States, but we do so by being clear when we disagree with its approach. Now we have three Arab states where the population undoubtedly believes U.S. policy and military support have created chaos and destruction - Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine - the very states the United States had said would point the way to freedom and democracy for other despotic Arab states.

If we have not been expressing concern about the humanitarian and political disaster that has been unfolding before the eyes of the world, then we should be. We should empower our able diplomats to be their most innovative and creative in working to fashion a peace that can endure.

Prime Minister Harper, there are great expectations of Canada in the Middle East, ones that can be met by being impartial, engaging with both sides and being willing to help on the side of reason and moderation. It is not a zero-sum game. So by all means, support Israel and remain a friend to the United States, but remember that Canada's foreign policy is based upon principles - ones we defend even when our friends disagree. It is this quality, not neutrality, that makes us valuable and trusted in world affairs.

With friends and former colleagues on both sides, my heart breaks as I observe the destruction and death that is unfolding.

John Manley is a former foreign affairs minister and deputy prime minister of Canada.

Former deputy PM Manley: 'People had trouble understanding what the Liberal Party stood for'

2006-06-20T12:40:00.000-06:00

"...
Meanwhile, Mr. Manley said the key to winning the next election is first to analyse why the Liberals lost the last one and then address those issues. He said that, in his view, the three key reasons that led to the Liberals' defeat were: failing to come up with competitive policy ideas, a lack of focus by the party leadership and internal party divisions.

"The party itself needs to examine the reasons why it lost and articulate a vision for the future that reflects the fact that it understands some of the things that went wrong," said Mr. Manley who did not run in the last federal election and so far has not declared his support for any Liberal leadership candidate.

"People had trouble understanding what the Liberal Party stood for. It seemed to be that the basic principles, the commitments were not clear. Everything was a priority, nothing was a focus and the divisions within the party gave people the impression that, perhaps, this was a group that needed some time in a penalty box," said Mr. Manley.

Mr. Manley said that if the Liberal Party wants to win the next election, it should prepare a platform that reflects the wishes of Canadians because unless an average Canadian is inspired by the party's platform, he or she would not vote for the Liberal Party. He pointed out the policy platform should be prepared by keeping in mind that a majority of Canadians are not socially conservative people but are progressive people.

"You have to speak to Canadian aspirations. You have to attract younger people into the party, restore the idealism," he said. ..."

Why I endorse Gerard Kennedy

2006-06-07T23:48:00.000-06:00

Choosing a candidate to support in such a wide field is hard, as many can attest to. Choosing a candidate to support when one has been a diehard supporter of someone whom isn't running is even harder.

Over the past months, I have examined the candidates, and have concluded that Gerard Kennedy is the right person for the job. Having the right mix of abilities, and demonstrated commiment to liberal values is important for a leader.

One of the test I used in evaluating potential leaders, was whether I would feel comfortable defending them of the hustings. My own personal Oakes test as it were (for you constitutional lawyers out there). Could I defend the actions of this individual in the past, and there current positions? One difficulty I had with our past leadership was defending the assemetrical federalist direction.

Many people have ditfully explained their reasons, so I won't go into specifics here. I would just encourage everyone to evaluate all the candidates with an open mind, and ask: Do I feel comfortable in the liberal party with them as leader? Am I prepared to fight for two or more elections under this leader? Does the leader have the political skill set to rebuild the party, and win the next election?

Canadians should take pride in a strong currency - John Manley

2006-05-10T00:54:00.000-06:00

A northern tiger doesn't hide behind a low dollar

JOHN MANLEY

From Tuesday's Globe and Mail

Headlines this past week about the loonie's rise to 90 cents (U.S.) reminded me of one of my visits to New York as then-finance minister in 2002.

My hosts suggested Canada's G7-leading economic performance (surpluses, job creation, etc.) was due to the federal government "manipulating" our dollar to keep it below 65 cents.

"That's the giant sucking sound," said one Wall Street financier about Canada's incredible job-creation record. "Those are U.S. jobs heading north!"

My somewhat cheeky reply was that we were not capable of holding the Canadian dollar at a particular level for very long, and if he thought the loonie was underpriced, he should buy it.

The dollar's recent rise is not the result of Canadian government manipulation any more than was its sojourn at 62 cents. It is a product of high commodity prices -- especially in the energy sector -- together with fiscal, current account and trade surpluses. All of these are in sharp contrast to corresponding deficits in the United States, against whose currency we typically compare our own. In addition, my friend in New York is probably buying Canadian dollars now because the financial herd always follows a good thing.

Is this bad -- and should the Bank of Canada respond in some fashion?

No doubt, Canadian manufacturers who export to the United States are finding they are less and less competitive, and have become so in a rather short time. Those who hedged the currency risk are finding their hedges running out. Those exporters who failed to invest their profits -- earned when the dollar was low -- in productivity enhancements are discovering they are not as smart as they thought they were when sales and profits were strong.

With a low dollar, it was as if we started a 100-metre race with a 10-metre advantage. We hit the finish line a few metres ahead of our U.S. competitor, and didn't worry about the fact he had outrun us.

Well, the starting line for us now is much closer to the starting line for our U.S. competition. And what was formerly important for Canadian businesses is now becoming urgent. We must improve our productivity, we must enhance our climate for investment, and we must ensure our citizens improve their skills and training.

Arguably, last week's federal budget, while politically effective, was at best neutral in advancing the productivity agenda: Reducing consumption taxes instead of income taxes is a negative for productivity gains, while the elimination of the capital tax is a positive. Almost all of the vaunted 28 tax cuts had nothing whatsoever to do with enhancing productivity. But the higher dollar itself makes the acquisition of technology and equipment from the U.S. more affordable, as it does for the acquisition of U.S. businesses and assets.

In reality, success in business and trade requires competitive costs as well as quality. To sustain success requires a continuous struggle for improvement. This cannot be reliant solely upon a rate of exchange, which is something that is always volatile. When you consider the economies that have performed well over the long term, they are not characterized by weak currencies. When the Canadian dollar is weak, our assets -- companies, real estate, even brains (remember the "brain drain?") -- are relatively cheap for foreigners to acquire, while technologies that enable productivity improvements often come from abroad and thus are more costly. A low exchange rate can therefore cause a negative cycle in which our firms lose productivity because they choose not to invest in the improvements necessary to be truly competitive.

The recent rise in value of the Canadian dollar should help firms to invest in productivity, but some businesses find themselves so stressed on costs that they are cutting back on anything long-term, including research and capital expenditures. This may be a strategy for survival, but not for success.

The Bank of Canada cannot pursue one policy for manufacturers and a different one for commodity producers. There is only one currency and the bank must remain clearly focused on maintaining price stability for the Canadian dollar, fighting inflation whenever its ugly head appears.

Thus, Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty is wrong to look to the Bank of Canada to help his province's manufacturers, while he is right to make innovation, research and education his government's highest priorities.

Now that I am no longer finance minister and am free to comment on the value of the dollar, let me say I found no satisfaction in a low dollar, as it was not a hallmark of a "northern tiger."

Looking to the future, global demand for our natural resources will ensure we continue to run trade surpluses. And prudent fiscal policy, which has become Canada's trademark, should ensure continued fiscal surpluses. Thus the dollar will not return to its previous low levels. Despite some manufacturing job losses, the service sector is doing well and domestic demand is strong. Unemployment is at 30-year lows and Canadians are, on the whole, optimistic about the future.

Therefore, Canadians should take pride in a strong currency, reflecting a strong economy. We should flex our muscles as a northern tiger and aggressively pursue a global strategy based on innovation, intelligence and enhanced productivity.

John Manley, an Ottawa-based lawyer with McCarthy Tétrault LLP, was deputy prime minister to Jean Chrétien.

John Manley addresses AIA conference

2006-04-21T19:41:00.000-06:00

Former Deputy PM John Manley, spoke to a packed room of automotive aftermarket execs at the Chateaux Frontenac Wednesday morning.

During his often light-hearted speech, Manley emphasized the importance of the automotive industry in Canada and the United States, but also highlighted some of the potential problems that the Canadian industry is likely to face in the years to come.

"In Canada, one person in seven is involved with the automotive industry. In Ontario, that number is one in six," said Manley.

The former Liberal party Cabinet Minister then went on to comment extensively on the sometimes frosty relationship between Canadians and President George W. Bush.

"Canadians need to be a little bit more mature in terms of President Bush," said Manley. "If you are running your auto-shop, and you have one customer that buys 87 per cent of what you make, you don't have to necessarily like the guy. Well, the United States buys 87 per cent of what Canada makes. Access to that market, remains the most important issue for Canadian business," said Manley.

The conference, hosted by the AIA began on the 18th and continues until the end of the day on the 19th, in Quebec City.

Manley foresees opening of telecom industry

2006-03-28T18:01:00.000-07:00

Canadian Press

TORONTO -- The new Conservative government will likely want to start reforming Canada's telecommunications policy quickly and probably won't see much serious opposition from the Liberals, former Liberal industry minister John Manley says.

Mr. Manley, a former deputy prime minister who also served as minister responsible for telecom policy in the Chrétien government, was commenting yesterday on sweeping recommendations released in Ottawa last week by a special federal panel.

"It's an agenda for a new government which they can adopt if they wish to implement it," Mr. Manley said at a presentation by the law firm McCarthy Tétrault, which was involved in drafting the report.

Mr. Manley said the government will probably use foreign ownership restrictions as a bargaining chip in multinational trade negotiations but won't necessarily wait for those talks to conclude before opening up some parts of the Canadian telecom industry, he said.

The panel's report recommends a two-stage approach to liberalizing rules that limit or prevent Canadian telephone and cable carriers from being controlled by foreign interests. Initially, the rules could be relaxed for the foreign ownership of startup companies and carriers that control less than 10 per cent of the market, he said.

"Seeing foreign ownership as a vehicle for improving the competitive nature of the economy is clearly a gain for Canada, whether we get something from our negotiating partners or not," Mr. Manley said.

"But I think as a first step, the government is going to want to see what they can find by way of tradeoffs in international trade negotiations to try to get there." Mr. Manley said there's been a trend toward greater liberalization in Canada and elsewhere.

In Ottawa, the Communications, Energy and Paperworkers union urged an end to trade talks that would open Canada's telephone industry to foreign ownership.

Condolences to a fellow blog

2006-03-21T21:31:00.000-07:00

When Manley pulled out, many people offered their condolences. Now it is the turn for this blog to offer them. Godspeed and good luck

Martin Cauchon for PM

Cauchon to join list of heavyweight Liberals passing up leadership bout

By JOAN BRYDEN

OTTAWA (CP) - Martin Cauchon is poised to join the list of star Liberals taking a pass on the once-mighty party's leadership.

The former justice minister is expected to announce later this week that he won't throw his hat in the ring to succeed Paul Martin.

According to insiders close to the Chretien-era minister, Cauchon has decided he can't pursue the leadership without sacrificing his commitment to his young family. Cauchon, currently practising law in Montreal, is father to three children under the age of eight.

Cauchon's decision brings to five the number of heavyweight candidates who've bowed out of the race - almost twice the number who've actually declared their candidacy so far.

Among those who won't run are former premiers Frank McKenna and Brian Tobin, former deputy prime minister John Manley and former minister Allan Rock.

Only three candidates have declared their intention to run so far - Toronto lawyer Martha Hall Findlay, former junior minister John Godfrey and bad boy fiddler Ashley MacIsaac, whom some Liberals privately suspect is using the contest to promote his latest album.

In early February, Cauchon came close to announcing that he would not run. But his core organizers urged him to take a little more time before reaching a conclusion.

Then in late February, Cauchon gave a speech at the University of Ottawa in which he seemed to be positioning himself as the candidate of change. He challenged Liberal orthodoxy by appearing to endorse the notion of a fiscal imbalance between Ottawa and the provinces and indicating a willingness to at least debate private delivery of public health care.

An insider close to Cauchon acknowledged that the speech was intended to position the former minister for the leadership race, particularly hoping to capture support in his home province of Quebec.

However, the insider said: "At the end of the day, the family argument was too strong."

Cauchon had put together a reasonably strong organization, which included some of former prime minister Jean Chretien's senior strategists such as Paul Genest and Raj Chahal. The insider doubted Cauchon's team would move en masse to any other candidate.

Nearly 20 potential candidates are testing the waters, although many may ultimately decide not to take the plunge. The vast majority hail from Toronto so the loss of a non-Toronto candidate like Cauchon is significant for a party that contends it is national in scope.

Among the putative contenders are former ministers Stephane Dion, Joe Volpe, Maurizio Bevilacqua, Ken Dryden, Denis Coderre, Belinda Stronach, Scott Brison and Ralph Goodale, acclaimed academic and rookie MP Michael Ignatieff and former Ontario NDP premier Bob Rae.

A successor to Martin will be chosen at a convention in Montreal from Nov. 29 to Dec. 3.

John Manley Encouraged to re-enter race

2006-03-14T11:47:00.000-07:00

Important part left in context near end of article

Rae speaks today, and Liberals are listening
Ex-NDP premier not expected to formally announce leadership bid yet
But Winnipeg address raises profile in a crowded field of potential rivals
Mar. 13, 2006. 01:00 AM
SEAN GORDON
OTTAWA BUREAU

OTTAWA—So far it's a race with only one entrant, but Liberal leadership watchers will cast an interested eye toward Winnipeg today as former Ontario premier Bob Rae returns to the limelight with a speech to the Canadian Club.

Few expect Rae will formally signal his intentions — some senior Liberals suggest he will first come out and publicly brand himself as a party supporter — but many will be keen to hear what the former provincial NDP leader has to say about his vision for the country.

"He's in. Everybody basically knows that. Now it's a question of him talking about where he would take the party and the country," said a senior Liberal close to the leadership process.

By most counts, there are at least 16 people actively considering leadership runs, though the only official candidate is 46-year-old lawyer Martha Hall Findlay.

Some Liberals are predicting the wide-open race will heal much of the lingering rift between supporters of former prime minister Jean Chrétien and those of the man who ousted him, Paul Martin.

"It's going to be a campaign of new ideas," said Liberal Senator Jim Munson, a former Chrétien aide.

Rae would benefit from support within the Liberal establishment — his brother John ran Chrétien's campaigns, and former PMO adviser Eddie Goldenberg is a lifelong friend — and could be pitted against his old University of Toronto roommate, Etobicoke-Lakeshore MP Michael Ignatieff.

Many of the Liberal hopefuls, including Ignatieff, were in Nova Scotia earlier this month for what Findlay termed "the unofficial kickoff" of the race.

Former Tory leadership candidate and Liberal cabinet minister Belinda Stronach is organizing aggressively in Quebec and elsewhere in the country, and is widely expected to enter the race. Others mulling a bid include Stronach's former Ontario cabinet colleagues Joe Volpe, Carolyn Bennett, Ken Dryden, Tony Ianno and John Godfrey.

One-time ministers like Ralph Goodale, Maurizio Bevilacqua, Stéphane Dion, Denis Coderre and Hedy Fry are also weighing their options, as is Ottawa Liberal MP David McGuinty.

Ontario Education Minister Gerard Kennedy is also an intriguing possibility — he's bilingual and originally from Manitoba — although he hasn't been convinced to take the plunge.

It was expected former public works minister Scott Brison would be the leading Atlantic Canadian candidate, but party sources said his fundraising potential has been curtailed by last week's imbroglio over an email sent to a Bay Street acquaintance ahead of an income-trust announcement last fall.

Other candidacies remain in the realm of rumours. Former deputy prime minister John Manley, for instance, is facing pressure to reconsider his earlier refusal to run.

The list will continue shifting as the hopefuls jockey for position. The Liberal party's executive will determine the timing and rules for the race at a meeting on the weekend of March 25.

Vietnam thinks Manley was Prime Minister, why don't we?

2006-03-06T22:54:00.000-07:00

420 million VND donation to HCM City Tumour Centre
03/06/2006 -- 22:26(GMT+7)

HCM City, Mar. 6 (VNA) - Sanjeev Chowdhury, Canadian Consul General in Ho Chi Minh City, on March 6 donated 420 million VND, collected from the 9th Terry Fox Marathon - 2005, jointly organised by the Canadian Consulate General and the Manulife Company, to the Ho Chi Minh City Tumour Centre.

Former Canadian Prime Minister John Manley was present at the presentation ceremony.

Prof. Nguyen Chan Hung, Director of the HCM City Tumour Centre, said that over the past three years, the centre has received more than 1 billion VND from the Canadian Consulate General, raised from the 7th, 8th and 9th Terry Fox Marathons. The amounts have been disbursed for an investigation on cancer in Ho Chi Minh City and southern provinces.

Terry Fox was a young Canadian man who during his short life overcame his cancer running to raise funds for cancer research. The last annual race named after him drew more than 4,500 participants in HCM City.

In addition to the organisation of the Terry Fox Marathon in the city, Consul General Chowdhury has also held many charity programmes to help orphans and handicapped children in Ho Chi Minh City.-Enditem

John Manley Signs Letter Dissing Parts Of Gomery

2006-03-06T22:48:00.000-07:00

The Right Honourable Stephen Harper,
Prime Minister of Canada,
House of Commons,
Ottawa K1A 0A6

Dear Prime Minister,

We are writing to you in response to the Gomery Commission’s second report (the “Report”), which was made public on February 1st. The signatories of this letter include private sector leaders, representatives of the voluntary sector, former senior officials in provincial and federal governments, and former political eaders of different partisan stripes from across the country.

We are united by two major beliefs: that Canada is best served by a professional, non-partisan public service, and that any changes to existing governance systems should not reduce the powers and accountability of elected representatives.

The Commission makes a number of useful recommendations which, if
implemented, should serve to improve how we are governed. Unfortunately, the Report also includes some other recommendations that do not take adequate account of how governments actually function, and thus could do a good deal of harm. It is for this reason that we have decided to write to you.

The useful recommendations include:

- providing increased resources to enable Parliamentary committees, and
particularly the Public Accounts Committee, to function more effectively

- more effective regulation of lobbyists

- prohibiting political staffs from giving instructions to officials

- de-politicizing the appointment of Crown corporation CEOs and directors

- reducing the rate of turn-over of Deputy Ministers

- avoiding the imposition of further regulations and red tape on the operations of government

- making government more transparent

However, the Report also includes four major recommendations that cause us concern: the proposal that the public service should assert a constitutional identity independent of elected governments, a new system for the appointment of Deputy Ministers, a change in the role of the Clerk of the Privy Council, and the requirement that Ministers issue written instructions if they wish to over-rule administrative measures recommended by their Deputy Ministers.

At the outset of his Report, Justice Gomery says, “It is not the
Commission’s intention to recommend radical solutions, a transformation of
our parliamentary system, or a complete overhaul of the doctrine of
ministerial responsibility.” Some of his recommendations would, in fact,
amount to changes of this order, and we believe they are out of proportion
to the problem he was asked to address. Justice Gomery acknowledges in several passages that the Sponsorship scandal was an aberration, and in no way was representative of present day governance in Canada. Yet the
Commission’s response is quite drastic.

At the heart of the Report is the proposition that unelected public servants possess, and should assert, a constitutional identity independent of Ministers. The Report speaks of “tensions between the duty of the public service to serve the Government, and its ethical obligation to promote the public interest”, and proposes that when such tensions arise in the management and administration of government programs, the views of officials
should prevail.

Such a system would represent a major departure from how governments function in Canada. We are opposed to increasing the powers of unelected officials at the expense of Ministers. For the public service to assert a constitutional identity of its own, and not to be subject to direction by Ministers in the fields of management and administration, would break the chain of accountability that today culminates with Ministers. The result would be confusion as to who was accountable to Parliament for what.

In addition, for this proposal to be workable, it would be necessary to
effect a clear separation between the roles of Ministers and officials.
Experience demonstrates that this is impossible. No one has ever found a way of unscrambling the governance omelet in which politics, policy, management, and administration are mixed. To use an example cited in the Report, how is one to separate politics from administration when a Minister and officials disagree about the application of a set of financial rules to a particular situation?

To point out, as the Report does, that Deputy Ministers have statutory
responsibilities under the Financial Administration Act, does not advance
matters, since Ministers too have statutory responsibilities, and they
include “the management and direction of the department”. There has never
been any determination of what is to happen when the two statutes conflict, nor could there be, given the impossibility of establishing a clear and
durable separation of politics from management. In any case, when such
conflicts arise, legal analyses are usually not much help.

Another part of the Report that causes us serious concern is the
recommendation that in future, Deputy Ministers should be chosen by their Ministers. We strongly believe that Canada should retain the current
practice in which Deputy Ministers are appointed by the Prime Minister. This
practice serves to underline to all concerned that a Deputy’s knowledge,
loyalty, and engagement must extend beyond a single department to the whole of government. This concept of a Deputy’s responsibility is a precondition for managing issues effectively and offering policy advice on difficult questions that cross traditional portfolio boundaries.

If Deputies were to be appointed to serve the specific interests of a
Minister and his/her department, there is a risk that this could exacerbate the problem of “silos” that bedevil most large organizations and
particularly governments. The Deputy Minister is key to ensuring that the
department does not lose sight of government priorities.

We also believe that the selection of these officials, who will be a key
source of support to you and your Cabinet colleagues, is too important a
task to entrust to any kind of independent selection system detached from the political process. You, as the head of the government, need the ability to organize it in ways that best respond to your objectives, and to place in the most senior positions the professionals who, in your judgment, are best able to meet the needs of a particular department and agency. It is difficult to contemplate how any large business organization would survive if vice presidents and senior officers were selected by a group independent
of the CEO.

It follows that the Clerk of the Privy Council should continue to be your
advisor on Deputy Minister appointments. More broadly, we believe that the Clerk should function as your Deputy Minister in all respects, and should not, as the Report proposes, merely be a representative of the public
service.

The Report proposes that in situations where an important disagreement between a Minister and a Deputy cannot be resolved, the Minister could over-rule the Deputy only by issuing a written instruction that the Deputy would then send to the Comptroller General and would also be available to the Auditor General. We have very serious concerns about instituting such a practice.

The Commission’s recommendation is modeled on a British system that was
instituted many years ago. In Britain, the system the Commission has in mind exists mostly in theory and is far from being a normal practice. An analysis by a Canadian academic has found only 37 cases of a Minister issuing a written instruction in the past 23 years, or 1.6 cases per year across the entire British government. Moreover, most of these cases involved the heads of what the British call Executive Agencies rather than departments. The Permanent Secretaries – the British equivalent of our Deputy Ministers – almost never avail themselves of their right to seek a written instruction.

The reasons are obvious. A system whereby officials regularly insisted on
being issued written instructions would simply be unworkable because of its destructive effects on the working partnership that is indispensable to any successful relationship between a Minister and a Deputy.

Moreover, there is no need to institute such a system in Canada to guard against Ministers at times making decisions that were contrary to the public interest. In cases where a Minister insists upon proceeding with an improper decision, the established practice is for the Deputy to inform the Clerk of the Privy Council, who in turn can bring the matter to the attention of the Prime Minister. The resolution of the matter then lies with the Prime Minister and the Minister, who will be accountable to Parliament for the outcome. In the extremely rare event of a Prime Minister supporting an improper action by the Minister, there is every probability that the decision taken would become known, whether through internal audits that are now routinely made public, or through the work of the Auditor General, or through the Access to Information Act – as was recently demonstrated in the
case of the Sponsorship scandal. The electorate would then be in a position
to render a judgment about the issue.

We are also puzzled by the Commission’s recommendations concerning appearances of officials before Parliamentary committees. The Report devotes a considerable amount of text to a perceived problem in officials appearing only on behalf of their Ministers, although at a later point it acknowledges that “little will change” if in future officials should be required to appear in their own right.

The concept that officials appear on behalf of their Ministers is largely a
formality and primarily serves to keep intact the chain of accountability
that culminates with the Minister. In practice, it is of about the same
import as the formal designation of the Governor General as
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Officials are always at the call of Parliamentary committees, and are required to show Parliament that proper financial procedures are being followed and that public funds are being properly and well managed. It is simply out of the question that a Deputy Minister of Transport, in appearing before the Public Accounts Committee to explain a cost over-run on the construction of an ice
breaker, would somehow seek to shelter behind the notion that he/she was only appearing on behalf of the Minister.

In the same vein, the recommendation that officials rather than Ministers
should appear before the Public Accounts Committee simply calls for what is the established practice. We find it puzzling that the Report takes no cognizance of the fact that, for decades, Ministers have appeared before this Committee only in the most exceptional circumstances. Officials, for their part, can be and are required to give an accounting to the Committee for all aspects of departmental management, and sometimes are given the benefit of the Committee’s views in response.

In conclusion, we wish to state that we were reassured by your prudent
response to the Commission’s Report when it first appeared. Some measures in the Report, which we summarized at the beginning of this letter, would improve governance in Canada, and we hope you will implement them. As you have pointed out, many of these measures coincide with the provisions of the Accountability Act to which you committed yourself during the election campaign.

However, other recommendations in the Report deal with complex matters and could have far reaching effects – effects that in some cases, we believe, would be very damaging. It is important that you should take enough time to make a careful assessment of your own before deciding which of Justice Gomery’s recommendations.

Sincerely,

Bill Ardell
Former CEO
Southam Inc.

Tom Axworthy
Chairman - Centre for the Study of Democracy
Queen’s University

Charles A Baillie
Chancellor of Queens University
President-Art Gallery of Ontario

Peter Barnes
Former Secretary to the Cabinet
Government of Ontario

The Hon. Allan Blakeney
Former Premier of Saskatchewan

Rita Burak
Former Secretary to the Cabinet
Government of Ontario

Helen Burstyn
President
Public Projects

Tim Casgrain
Chairman
Skyservice Airlines

Ian D. Clark
President, Council of Ontario Universities
Former Secretary of the Treasury Board and Comptroller General of Canada

Professor Tom Courchene
Queen’s University

Jim Coutts
Personal Secretary to Prime Minister Pearson (1963-66)
Principal Secretary to Prime Minister Trudeau (1975-81)

Dominic D’Alessandro
President and CEO
Manulife Financial

Tom d’Aquino
President and CEO
Canadian Council of Chief Executive Officers

Paul Davenport
President
University of Western Ontario

Sheldon Ehrenworth
Founder
The Public Policy Forum

Hershell Ezrin
Former Principal Secretary to the Premier of Ontario

George Fleischmann
Managing Partner,
TNET: Management Consultants, Inc.

L. Yves Fortier, C.C., Q.C.
Chairman, Ogilvy Renault

Bruce Foster
Chair
Department of Policy Studies
Mount Royal College

Robert Gordon
President
Humber College Institute of Technology and Advanced Learning

James Gray
Chairman
Canada West Foundation

Ray Hession
Former Deputy Minister
Government of Canada

Marilyn Knox
President, Nutrition
Nestlé Canada Inc.

Arthur Kroeger
Former Federal Deputy Minister

Huguette Labelle
Former President
Canadian International Development Agency

Carole Lafrance, C.M.
Governor
Canadian Chamber of Commerce

Claude Lajeunesse
President
Concordia University

The Hon. Marc Lalonde, P.C., O.C., Q.C.
Senior Counsel,
Stikeman Elliott LLP

Jack Lawrence
Chairman and CEO
Lawrence and Company Inc.

David Lindsay
President
Association of Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology of Ontario

The Honourable Donald S Macdonald and
Mrs. Adrian Merchant Macdonald

Cliff Mackay
President
Air Transport Association of Canada

The Hon. John P. Manley
Partner
McCarthy Tétrault

The Hon. Barbara J. McDougall, P.C., O.C., F.C.A.
Former Secretary of State for External Affairs

Les McIlroy
Former Chief of Staff to the Minister of Finance

Jack Mintz
University of Toronto

Professor Desmond Morton
Professor of History
McGill University

David Naylor
President
University of Toronto

The Hon. Gordon F. Osbaldeston
Former Secretary to the Cabinet and Clerk of the Privy Council

Ross Paul
President
University of Windsor

Andrew Petter
Dean of Law
University of Victoria
Former Attorney General of British Columbia

Roger Phillips
Former CEO
Ipsco Inc.

Sheryn Posen
Chief Operating Officer
Canada’s Sports Hall of Fame

Bruce Rawson, O.C., Q.C.
Former Deputy Minister
Alberta and Federal Government

The Hon. Bob Rae
Former Premier of Ontario (1990-1995)

Darcy Rezac
Managing Director
The Vancouver Board of Trade

Susan Reisler
Vice President
Media Profile

Jean Riley
Former Chair
National Arts Centre

Georgina Steinsky Schwartz
President
Imagine Canada

Graham W.S. Scott, C.M., Q.C.
Senior Partner
McMillan Binch Mendelsohn LLP
Former Deputy Minister - Government of Ontario

Senator Hugh Segal
President
Institute for Research in Public Policy

Ian H. Stewart, Q.C.
Corporate Director
Victoria, British Columbia

Harry Swain
Former Federal Deputy Minister

Paul Tellier
Former Secretary to the Cabinet and Clerk of the Privy Council of Canada
Former President and CEO of CN and Bombardier

Richard Van Loon
President Emeritus
Carleton University

Peter G. White
Former Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister

Lynton (Red) Wilson
Chairman
CAE Inc.

Doug Wright, O.C.
President Emeritus, University of Waterloo
Former Deputy Minister – Government of Ontario

Adam Hartley Zimmerman, O.C., B.A., F.C.A., LL.D., D.S.L.
Toronto

Mr. John Manley to visit Ho Chi Minh City and speak at CanCham

2006-03-04T19:06:00.000-07:00

The former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance/Foreign Affairs/Industry John Manley will visit HCMC from March 5 to 17, 2006 and speak at a CanCham (Canadian Chamber of Commerce) luncheon. In August, 2004, Mr. Manley spoke at a sold out CanCham luncheon and is expected to do the same this time. He will share his views on the new Canadian government post elections and tell some more stories from his time in politics. Check with Cancham or the Consulate for the date of this luncheon.

http://canchamvietnam.org/

Manley to address the Automotive Conference for Executives

2006-03-02T12:42:00.000-07:00

The Honourable John Manley has held several senior portfolios in the Canadian federal government. He has been recognized for his success in forging powerful cross-border partnerships and for his global initiatives in technology, education and business. Manley will focus his remarks on global trade, NAFTA and emerging trade blocks.

The Automotive Conference for Executives, scheduled for Quebec City this April, will focus on creative thinking and playing to win.
The Aftermarket Conference for Executives was developed by the Automotive Industries Association of Canada to provide professional management development and an overview of business trends for executives and senior management.
Some of the speakers presenting at this year's ACE include:....

... The event is scheduled for April 18-19, 2006 in Quebec City at the Chateau Frontenac Hotel. For more information, visit the AIA's website at www.aiacanada.com.

John Manley in Vietnam for Terry Fox Event

2006-03-01T09:04:00.000-07:00

$26,450 collected from charity run given to cancer institute

The donations collected at the annual Terry Fox Run, held in November 2005 in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi, will be donated to the city’s Tumour Center for cancer research, the Canadian consulate said Wednesday

Over 10,000 runners participated and donated VND420 million (US$26,450).

John Manley, Canadian deputy prime minister from January 2002 to December 2003, will arrive in Vietnam to hand over the money to the institute on March 6.

Twenty five years ago, Terry Fox, an 18 year old Canadian with an amputated right leg due to bone cancer, began a journey across the North American country to raise funds for cancer research.

The Terry Fox Run is organized in Vietnam by the Canadian embassy and local authorities.

Reported by X.Q. – Translated by M.Phat

Edit: more info on the Terry Fox Run in Vietnam

Terry Fox Run 2005 in Ho Chi Minh City

Ho Chi Minh City had their largest ever Terry Fox Run on Sunday the 4th December 2005 at Sai Gon South. About 4,600 participants took part in the special event to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the Terry Fox Run in Ho Chi Minh City and the 25th anniversary of the Marathon of Hope. Close to 420 million dong raised from the Run will soon be donated to the HCMC Centre for Cancer and Tumour for their research programs. Organisers of the Run, the Consulate General of Canada and the Vietnam-Canada Friendship Association, would like to express their thanks to all the participants, volunteers and companies who contributed to the Run's success and hope to see you again in the Terry Fox Run 2006.

Terry Fox Run 2005 in Hanoi - Thank you Reception

On December 19, 2005, in the cold of winter and the warm environment of the cosy host, Mosaique Living Room, the Ambassador of Canada Gabriel-M. Lessard presented a cheque of 296 million dongs, proceeds of the Terry Fox Run 2005 in Hanoi, in the attendance of many corporate supporters and volunteers. The proceeds went to the Hanoi Cancer Hospital for their project of "Screening and Early Detection of Breast and Cervix Cancer of woman in Hanoi". With over 6,500 participants and an unprecedented amount of funds raised, the Terry Fox Run 2005 in Hanoi was a remarkable event to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the Marathon of Hope in the fight against cancer. Since more money came in after the Thank you Reception, the total raised at the 2005 Run was close to 314 million dong. Thank you again to the corporate support committee for their efforts. We hope that we can still count on your contribution for the Terry Fox Run 2006.

Manley hobnob's at Nation Arts Centre Gala

2006-02-21T22:47:00.000-07:00

February 21, 2006

All there in black and white

NAC soiree raises record $345,000

By CAROLINE PHILLIPS, OTTAWA SUN

Sonya Singh of A-Channel is joined by friends Saad Al-Hakkak and Joanne Woo at her farewell party Friday at the Velvet Room. Singh is to start her new job March 6 with Global TV. (Caroline Phillips SUN)

It was music that enriched the soul at the 9th Annual Black & White Opera Soiree and, in return, the National Arts Centre Orchestra and Opera Lyra Ottawa were left enriched themselves to the tune of $345,000 -- the largest amount in the history of the benefit fundraising concert.

The near sold-out crowd of 2,000-plus at the NAC sat enraptured through the performances of soprano Adrianne Pieczonka, baritone Russell Braun, the NAC Orchestra with conductor Richard Bradshaw and the Opera Lyra Ottawa Chorus with chorus master Laurence Ewashko.

The concert was hosted by actor Colm Feore, who, following Braun's well-received performance from The Barber of Seville joked: "Whether it's performed by Russell Braun or Bugs Bunny, it's just always good." (Feore was referring to the rascally rabbit's classic 1950 parody).

The Black and White Opera Soiree was chaired by Lawson Hunter, also executive vice-president of Bell, the main sponsor. He greeted guests upon their arrival to the $275-per-ticket gala, as did NAC president and CEO Peter Herrndorf; Opera Lyra general director Elizabeth Howarth and chair Russell Mills; NAC Foundation CEO Darrell Louise Gregersen; and Dr. David Leighton, chair of the NAC board of trustees.

Mingling in the glamorous crowd during dinner and throughout the night were ambassadors, business leaders and politicians, including Ottawa businessman and philanthropist Michael Potter with wife Veronique Dhieux, former deputy prime minister and finance minister John Manley, Speaker of the House of Commons Peter Milliken and Mayor Bob Chiarelli. Also on hand was Health Promotion Minister Jim Watson and Cyndi Edwards, who has scored a new job starting March 6 co-hosting a show for an NBC affiliate in Tampa, Fla.

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history"

2006-02-12T20:17:00.000-07:00

At a reunion late last week of current and former Liberal parliamentary aides, Liberals could barely contain their glee over the chaos in Tory ranks.

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history," chortled former deputy prime minister John Manley in brief remarks to the assembled aides.

"David Emerson really is a great Liberal. In one move, he united the Liberals and divided the Tories."

Manley joked that "every once in a while we have to let the Tories take over so that Canadians remember just how good a Liberal government is."

Manley is one of four high-profile potential contenders who've declined to join the race to replace Paul Martin, who announced his intention to resign as leader immediately after leading the Liberals to defeat in the Jan. 23 election. Manley told The Canadian Press he has not changed his mind, despite the Liberals' suddenly brighter prospects.

Liberals 'energized' by Harper missteps
Feb. 12, 2006. 06:08 PM
JOAN BRYDEN
CANADIAN PRESS

OTTAWA — Liberals are dreaming about a speedy return to power after watching the disastrous opening week of Stephen Harper's new Conservative administration.

Only three weeks after suffering a humiliating defeat, Liberals are musing openly about whether Harper's shaky minority government can survive the year.

And Liberal officials are being urged to hasten the selection of a new leader so that the party can be ready as soon as possible for an election.

"We are, I would say, reinvigorated and energized," interim Liberal leader Bill Graham said in an interview at the end of Harper's controversy-plagued inaugural week.

He said the opening week has stiffened Liberals' resolve to oppose the Conservative agenda, even if it means toppling the government.

"We're going to oppose those measures that we find are not in the interests of Canada and Canadians and we'll oppose them all the way," Graham said.

"And if that leads to the government falling, it's going to lead to the government falling. And the way they're making their decisions it's clear that could happen earlier rather than later just given the nature of what they're doing."

Harper plunged his fledgling regime into turmoil with some unusual choices for his cabinet which cast doubt on his election pledge to run a more accountable, ethical administration.

In particular, he stunned and infuriated his own caucus by appointing Liberal turncoat David Emerson to the international trade portfolio and party organizer Michael Fortier to the Senate and the sensitive Public Works portfolio.

Other cabinet choices raised ethical concerns, such as the appointment of erstwhile defence lobbyist Gordon O'Connor

to the Defence portfolio.

All last week, disappointed Tory MPs voiced muted disapproval while disgusted Conservative bloggers across the country railed against the cabinet choices, particularly the perceived hypocrisy and opportunism of Emerson's defection only days after winning re-election as a Liberal.

"The fact that (Harper) has had such a terrible week, obviously encourages Liberals," said party president Mike Eizenga.

While he acknowledged there are always "ups and downs in politics" and the Tories could recover, Eizenga said Harper has demonstrated that he "can't be trusted" to deliver on his promises, a charge that will "stick with him" into the next election.

At a reunion late last week of current and former Liberal parliamentary aides, Liberals could barely contain their glee over the chaos in Tory ranks.

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history," chortled former deputy prime minister John Manley in brief remarks to the assembled aides.

"David Emerson really is a great Liberal. In one move, he united the Liberals and divided the Tories."

Manley joked that "every once in a while we have to let the Tories take over so that Canadians remember just how good a Liberal government is."

Manley is one of four high-profile potential contenders who've declined to join the race to replace Paul Martin, who announced his intention to resign as leader immediately after leading the Liberals to defeat in the Jan. 23 election. Manley told The Canadian Press he has not changed his mind, despite the Liberals' suddenly brighter prospects.

The Liberal national executive is to meet in mid-March to set a date for the leadership convention, which could be held as early as November or as late as March, 2007. With the Tories stumbling so badly out of the gate, the party brass is under pressure to name the earliest date.

"You can certainly say there are those who are urging us to act with as much haste as possible," said national director Steven MacKinnon, adding that "certainly there are more people saying that this week than last week."
{end CP}

New Canadian Diplomatic Mag laments Grits in Oppo

2006-02-08T09:24:00.000-07:00

Being In Opposition Has Little Appeal For Liberals

In saying that they weren't going to contest the Liberal leadership, the party's three 'tier-one' candidates --Frank McKenna, John Manley and Brian Tobin --said all the things that such occasions require.

The job was of immense importance. The chance to serve the public was well nigh irresistible. They would remain loyal Liberals.

Okay, okay, we all know all that.

It's what none of them said that was really interesting.

None said that Stephen Harper was a big factor in their decision. And none said that Edward Blake was an even bigger factor.

Harper, of course, needs no introduction. He's been prime minister since Monday. As is even more relevant to the decisions McKenna and Manley and Tobin have just made, Harper may very well be prime minister for at least the next six years.

Absent some bad breaks -- such as an economic recession, which has to happen some time -- it's quite possible Harper will win two more elections.

Edward Blake may need some introducing to readers who skipped Canadian history in high school. Among all Liberal party leaders since Confederation, Blake is the odd man out.

Not in himself. He was a super-brainy lawyer and a progressive thinker, if handicapped (curious how history repeats itself) by having great difficulty in relating to people. Blake led the Liberals from 1880 to 1887 before handing over to Wilfrid Laurier.

What made Blake one of a kind was that among all Liberal leaders in the last 140 years, he alone never became prime minister.

The likelihood of becoming the 21st century equivalent of Blake -- a fate endured routinely by Liberal opponents from Robert Stanfield to Preston Manning -- had to have influenced the decisions by McKenna and Manley and Tobin.

Objectively, it's very hard to see how the Liberals can win a quick rebound election, no matter who leads them.

For one thing, the Liberals have just lost their calling card. Conservative gains in Quebec mean that the Liberals are no longer Canada's only truly national party.

The Liberals are now merely another federalist alternative rather than the only credible alternative. Moreover, so-called 'soft nationalists' in Quebec are bound to find appealing the major devolution to the provinces of Ottawa cash and powers that Harper plans.

For another thing, while Harper talks constantly about his 'five priorities,' such as accountability and tax cuts, he in fact has a sixth priority.

This unstated priority -- call it Harper's hidden agenda -- is to win a majority in an election in two years or so.

That's why he picked a quarrel with U.S. Ambassador David Wilkins over the issue of Arctic sovereignty, even though the ambassador said nothing that was new and lots of other countries dispute our Arctic sovereignty claims. Also, hollowing-out Ottawa will please the West as well as Quebec.

Cool political calculations like these will almost certainly leave the next Liberal leader looking at a minimum of six years' hard labour.

This is too demanding a task for most potential Liberal leaders, most of whose predecessors --from Pierre Trudeau to John Turner to Paul Martin-- bounded straight into the prime minister's office when they took over the leadership.

Among potential candidates, just one has experience of battling in the trenches as all Conservative leaders have undergone as a trial by ordeal, often without any reward at all.

He's Bob Rae. For eight years, 1982-1990, he slogged away as opposition leader. Then, by some magical alchemy, he won an election that everyone -- Rae himself included -- assumed he was going to get trounced in.

It's a detail that this was in Ontario and for the New Democratic Party.

To accept a future of which its probable upper limits are those of merely being opposition leader takes toughness and resilience.

Harper possesses these qualities. Rae shares them. As a last asset, he studied history and so knows who Blake was.

Embassy, February 8th, 2006
By Richard Gwyn

Six Years before power says Hill Times

2006-02-07T21:08:00.000-07:00

The Hill Times, February 6th, 2006
NEWS STORY
By Kate Malloy and F. Abbas Rana

Martin will try to shed Liberal Party's massive debt: Liberals

Liberals have to dramatically change leadership rules, fundraising tactics and must attract a solid leader. But it could be another six years before they're back in power.

Liberal Party Leader Paul Martin will try to shed the party of its multi-million-dollar debt before a new party leader is chosen next year, say Liberals who are soul-searching these days now that they're out of national political power after nearly 13 years in office.

"It is Paul Martin's intention to hand over the party to the next leader debt free," Marc Roy, former associate director of communications to Mr. Martin, told The Hill Times last week.

Mr. Roy declined to give specifics, but said Mr. Martin "will work very hard between now and the leadership convention to deliver a party that is debt free to the next leader."

The speculation is that the Liberals have a debt of $12-million to $30-million.

But Steven MacKinnon, national director of the Liberal Party, said on Friday that the party's debt is between $4-million and $5-million.

The Liberal National Executive is scheduled to meet on March 18 to set the details of the next leadership convention, but it will likely take place in the spring of 2007.

Meanwhile, the Liberal Party will have to change its leadership rules, dramatically change the way it fundraises, stop idol worship of political leadership and do this all in one or two years, say Liberals, who last week met in Ottawa for a national caucus meeting for the first time after losing the election to the Conservatives.

Mr. Martin (LaSalle-Émard, Que.) announced he would stay on as party leader until a new leader is elected, but named former defence minister Bill Graham (Toronto Centre, Ont.) as the party's opposition leader in the House.

Mr. Martin's move to stay on as party leader is seen as a protective measure in case the government is defeated, but Mr. Martin has divested himself of all authority from the party.

Mr. Graham, who was named because he made it clear that he won't run for the leadership, is also politically experienced and fluently bilingual.

Other Liberals last week said they expected Mr. Martin to help get the party back in financial shape.

"Martin is going to get his ass in gear and attempt to deal with the debt that his group left behind. I would think that's a reasonable expectation," said one top Liberal.

Another Liberal said the Grits are faced with a "real challenge" because they have to be ready for an election, but also need time--one year or preferably two years--to set the party policies, to set its vision and to fix the internal structures in order to put into place a leadership process and convention that is fair and open, as opposed to the Martin coronation. When that happens, the Liberal said, more candidates will come.

Meanwhile, Liberals are talking about a number of possible political scenarios.

They say if Prime Minister Stephen Harper (Calgary Southwest, Alta.) is able to govern and not feed the fears that have been used against him, his position will likely strengthen and he will have a better chance of winning a minority or majority next time than the Liberals.

In this light, most Liberal Party stalwarts are unwilling to make a long-term commitment to run for the party's leadership.

But there are some brave souls.

Two-term Ottawa Liberal MP David McGuinty (Ottawa South, Ont.) did not rule out running for the party's leadership in an interview last week with The Hill Times.

"Right now, I'm working on these ideas [to rebuild the party], to take them forward. Everybody in the Liberal Party has an obligation to stop and think about how this will go forward and I'm really, really trying to raise the profile of the need here to make fundamental changes to the party and its process before we embark upon this journey," said Mr. McGuinty when asked outright if he's interested in running for the party leadership.

Pressed again, he said: "Right now, as they say, that's where I have to go. That's where I'm really focusing on. I'm looking forward to sitting down with Bill Graham on Tuesday or Wednesday for an hour. We're going to talk about these issues and go forward."

Last week, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin and John Manley all bowed out of running for the leadership.

Some of the other possible names who could seek the Liberal leadership include: Ken Dryden (York Centre, Ont.); Joe Volpe (Eglinton-Lawrence, Ont.); Maurizio Bevilacqua (Vaughan, Ont.); Scott Brison (Kings-Hants, N.S.); Belinda Stronach (Newmarket-Aurora, Ont.); Michael Ignatieff (Etobicoke-Lakeshore, Ont.); former Grit MP Martin Cauchon; John Godfrey (Don Valley West, Ont.); Denis Coderre (Bourassa, Que.); Dennis Mills; Stéphane Dion (Saint-Laurent-Cartierville, Que.); Bob Rae and Ontario Education Minister Gerard Kennedy.

"We're down to the pygmies, at this stage," said one top Liberal. "The giant of the whole thing was McKenna. He was the one that had the capacity to do some of the healing, generate some of that healing that needed to be generated. He had recognition off the top, he has connections to the corporate community that would have made the debt situation maybe a bit easier to resolve. He had a whole lot of things going for him."

The top Liberal said despite a "small clump" of people in Toronto trying to drum up support for Mr. Ignatieff as the best candidate across the country, the comparison to Pierre Trudeau, doesn't wash.

"I think there's an uphill battle as far as Ignatieff is concerned."

Meanwhile, Mr. McGuinty, 46, who before entering politics served as president and CEO of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (NRTEE), and won the last election by defeating Conservative "star candidate" Allan Cutler, by a margin of more than 4,000 votes, said it's imperative for the party to start the rebuilding process from within as soon as possible.

"There's a need, in my view, everyday Liberals want, to a certain extent, reclaim their party. They want to do so because they don't feel from what I heard at the door that they are meaningful shareholders in this party," said Mr. McGuinty, whose older brother is Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty.

Mr. McGuinty said in order for the party to rebuild it's important to have a full and frank financial disclosure about the party's financial condition, and a "one-member, one-vote voting system for the next leadership convention and a new aggressive grassroots-based fundraising strategy."

Mr. McGuinty warned that if the Liberals did not generate fresh ideas for the party and did not reform the party, they could expect a serious backlash from Canadians in the next election.

Stephen Clarkson, a university professor, an expert on the Liberal Party and author of the recently-released The Big Red Machine: How the Liberal Party Dominates Canadian Politics, told The Hill Times that given that Mr. Harper has been able to win a minority government, the Liberal Party doesn't have a long time to rebuild.

"If there's an election this time next year, they've got only one year but they will have a big role in deciding how long Stephen Harper stays. If they decide they want to spend time on their policy development, they could take [longer]. They haven't got more than two years because minority governments don't last [long] and Harper's edge is even smaller than what the Liberals' was," said Prof. Clarkson, pointing out that Liberals had a hard time keeping their government afloat even after winning 135 seats in the 2004 election while Conservatives have managed to win only 124 seats in last month's election.

Prof. Clarkson added that the rebuilding process will require the Liberal Party to bring unity to the party's rank and file, generate new policy ideas and select an effective leader.

"Trying to regenerate a family solidarity is crucial because, especially in opposition, the party relies on volunteers and energy coming from citizen activists and not corporate sponsors. So, healing, reconciliation is crucial. Working out a set of policies on which the party can redefine itself will be very important...The choice of the leader will be crucial because on the leader hangs everything," said Prof. Clarkson.

Meanwhile, another Liberal pointed out to The Hill Times that the Liberals have missed out on electing a whole younger generation of MPs, in contrast to the Conservative Party's caucus, for instance, because the Liberals' nominations were protected for years under former prime minister Jean Chrétien.

"If the Tories don't make any huge mistakes and if they're able to turn the minority into a majority then the Liberal Party, when it looks for a leader, and you never want to admit this publicly, but reality has to enter into the equation at some point, you're looking at the person who is going to try and get us back into government in about six years. Well, that person should probably be in their 40s, not of the generation that got us into this mess, so it's a real predicament," said the Liberal.

But the Liberals have to stop being tempted by a candidate on a "white horse" and politics as personality because "nobody has the complete package."

Declared the Liberal: "We have to get away from this politics as personality. The grassroots should be feeding policy to a political arm that has the skill and experience to win seats with the idea of getting into power so that we can put into motion the policies that the people who support the party want. It's a simple model. It's worked well in the past and somehow we got away from that."

The Liberal said the party lost its way while in power. Without a strong opposition the party became lazy and fought with itself. Now it has to pick up the pieces and rebuild.

"I still believe the Liberal Party of Canada is still the most successful political party in the history of modern democracy. The leader of that party is still a prestigious position. I think we're going to get a good, solid slate of candidates, but the first focus is the process. The process has to be and be seen to be fair," said the Liberal, pointing out that more candidates will come forward when the rules are fair.

Arana@hilltimes.com
kmalloy@hilltimes.com
The Hill Times

Possible contenders for the Liberal leadership (according to CTV

2006-02-07T10:32:00.000-07:00

Possible contenders for the Liberal leadership

Phil Hahn, CTV.ca News

Updated: Mon. Feb. 6 2006 6:30 PM ET

As Liberals don the uniform of the opposition in the House of Commons for the first time in over 12 years, the question of who will become their captain looms largely over them.

Prominent Liberals and leadership hopefuls, including Frank (Captain Canada) McKenna, John Manley and Allan Rock have said thanks, but no thanks.

The race is now "wide open" for new blood and new ideas, as Paul Martin said in his last news conference on Feb. 2.

"There are a number of stellar candidates who I think are going to bring in very different perspectives . . . to take us into the next generation."

Even before Martin announced his decision to step down after losing the 2006 federal election, there were rumours and whispers in the Liberal ranks about who would be the party's next leader.

Martin's successor will take control of a solid opposition party with more than 100 seats, and a base of support spread across the nation.

But whoever takes the Liberal helm will face the task of reuniting a deeply fractured party, according to Stephen Clarkson, a writer who has chronicled the party's ups and downs.

Infighting that started in the 1980s and exploded into a virtual civil war between Martin and Chretien loyalists must be stopped, he told CTV.

"They need to be united. That tradition of vendetta and feuding is what is at the core of the decline of the Liberal party, in my view," Clarkson said.

While the party recoups, re-energizes and lays out the ground rules for a leadership transition, CTV.ca has handicapped some potential candidates for the leadership of the Liberal party.

MICHAEL IGNATIEFF

The first-time MP was elected in the Toronto riding of Etobicoke-Lakeshore.

PROS: The 58-year-old Harvard professor is erudite with an engaging speaking style. He caught people's attention when he delivered the keynote address at the March 2005 Liberal policy convention. He's respected for his writings and scholarship on human rights issues, and is fluent in English, French and Russian. Often compared to Pierre Trudeau.

CONS: He's a political neophyte with zero experience in the House of Commons. Most of his life has been spent in the U.S. Although he has touted the left-leaning values of Trudeau, Ignatieff raised eyebrows in recent years by supporting the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

BELINDA STRONACH

The high-profile MP for the Ontario riding of Newmarket-Aurora was human resources minister in Martin's government. When asked on CTV's Canada AM whether she would run for the leadership, Stronach simply said with a smile: "You know, I'm here to serve."

PROS: The former auto-parts heiress is a star in the Liberal fold and, at 39, the youngest potential candidate next to Scott Brison. She could attract new blood to the Liberals and heal rifts between the old Chretien and Martin loyalists.

CONS: Many consider her a turncoat, after her unsuccessful bid for the Conservative leadership and her initial victory running as a Tory MP for Newmarket-Aurora in 2004. Although she has a vast network of connections, most of her bid team from her Conservative years have stayed with the Tory party. She's inexperienced, with less than two years under her belt in the House of Commons.

BOB RAE

Former New Democratic premier of Ontario from 1990 to 1995.

PROS: Rae has earned a reputation as a statesman, having handled high profile assignments such as the federal government's review into the Air India bombing, as well as advisor to the new Iraqi government. The Rhodes scholar was also considered a front-runner last year to succeed Adrienne Clarkson as governor-general. As a former NDPer, Rae could be a beacon to attract more supporters from the left.

CONS: . Many Ontarians are still left with bitter tastes in their mouths from Rae's premiership during recession years in the early 90s. Out of politics since 1995, Rae lacks an organizational base.

MARTIN CAUCHON

Justice minister under Jean Chretien.

PROS: Cauchon has deep roots in Quebec. The business lawyer seems to have strong support among many Quebec Liberals; there's even a blog dedicated to promoting him as next leader. He has a team of organizers ready to jump into a leadership race. Being a Quebecois can work in his favour, as Liberals usually alternate between English and French leaders (Martin, although he's from Quebec, is considered English).

CONS: Being from Quebec could also work against Cauchon. The past two Liberal leaders have represented Quebec ridings, and the party might want to go with a candidate from a different province. Further, as a Chretien loyalist, his experience in the Chretien cabinet -- and his past ties to some of the players in the sponsorship scandal -- could be seen as a liability.

SCOTT BRISON

Former Liberal public works minister and MP for Nova Scotia riding of Kings-Hants.

PROS: Brison could run as the sole, fiscally-conservative, socially progressive candidate from the Maritimes, now that Frank McKenna and Brian Tobin have bowed out. The 38-year-old MP for the Nova Scotia riding of Kings-Hants is very popular. As an openly gay politician, he's also considered by some Liberals to be an ideal symbol of a "progressive" platform. Brison once noted he's "not a gay politician, but a politician who happens to be gay."

CONS: Like Stronach, Brison is seen as a Tory turncoat who unsuccessfully ran for the Conservative leadership. He doesn't possess deep roots in the Liberal Party.

JOE VOLPE

The Toronto MP (Eglinton-Lawrence) served as minister of citizenship and immigration as well as human resources minister under Martin.

PROS: Lots of experience at the federal level, having been first elected to the House of Commons in 1988. Speaks several languages, French, Italian, Spanish, and even some Mandarin and Punjabi

CONS: Not widely known outside of big cities. He seems to a long shot among the other potential contenders. He's a holdover from the Martin-Chretien wars and was reportedly kept out of Chretien's cabinet for being too close to Martin.

STEPHANE DION

The former environment minister under Martin and intergovernmental affairs minister under Chretien has represented the Quebec riding of Saint-Laurent-Cartierville since 1996.

PROS: Dion, considered a strong federalist, would dedicate himself to rebuilding the party in Quebec. He played a major role in the province promoting national unity and fighting off the Bloc in his duties as intergovernmental affairs minister.

CONS: His grasp of English isn't perfect, and he may struggle to win support across the country.

OTHER POSSIBLE CANDIDATES:

Maurizio Bevilacqua: The Toronto-area MP was chairman of the Commons finance committee under Martin.

Denis Coderre: former immigration minister and President of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada.

Ken Dryden: the hockey legend is a Toronto MP (York Centre) and served as Martin's social development minister.

WON'T RUN

Frank McKenna: He was considered the frontrunner for the job, but Canada's former ambassador to Washington announced Jan. 30 that being PM has not been " a burning ambition for me."

John Manley: Considered another strong contender, the former deputy prime minister and finance minister once ran against Martin for the party leadership. "I was ready for that three years ago when I sought the post, but you know times change and life moves on," said Manley. "It may not be forever but right now it wasn't the time to go back."

Brian Tobin: The man once known as "Captain Canada" for his defence of the East Coast fishery while he was a Chretien cabinet minister, said he thought it was time for "new blood" to enter the Liberal party.

Allan Rock: Canada's ambassador to the UN said after considering a run for the leadership and discussing it with his family: "We've decided that there are many ways to serve Canada and I am not going to take part in the leadership race."

Manley to Harper: Repair Canada-U.S. relations

2006-02-06T21:17:00.000-07:00

Feb. 6, 2006. 03:58 PM
CANADIAN PRESS

A former senior Liberal cabinet minister says repairing Canada's relationship with the United States should be a top priority for new prime minister Stephen Harper.

John Manley says the two countries have to regain a personal trust that critics say deteriorated between President George W. Bush and former prime minister Paul Martin.

Manley, who recently decided not to pursue a run to replace Martin as the federal Liberal leader, was speaking at a Toronto forum on bilateral security.

He was joined by former U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge, who agreed the two countries need to work together better.

Ridge says the United States has accepted its differences in Canada on the Iraq war and the softwood lumber trade debate.

But Ridge says it's in both countries' interests to improve border security in a way that ensures no economic harm.

Also in the Guardian (for full story click Guardian Logo

Harper Sworn in As Canada's 22nd PM

Tuesday February 7, 2006 1:01 AM

AP Photo AJW105

By BETH DUFF-BROWN

Associated Press Writer

TORONTO (AP) - Stephen Harper, who promises to mend Canada's frayed relations with the United States, was sworn in as the nation's 22nd prime minister Monday, marking the first time in more than 12 years that the Conservative Party will rule this traditionally liberal nation.

....

But he used his first press conference after being elected on Jan. 23 to reiterate a campaign pledge to increase Canada's military presence in the Northwest Passage of the Arctic, a region that Washington believes is in international waters. Harper has also said that Ottawa would continue to fight Washington over its tariffs on Canadian lumber.

Former U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge, in Toronto for a forum on border security with former deputy prime minister John Manley, urged Harper to take another look at the concept of a common North American defense perimeter, one of the recommendations released last year by a task force co-chaired by Manley.

``Sometimes people confuse the notion that you're going to compromise sovereignty with collaboration,'' Ridge said.

Harper went into his first Cabinet meeting with ministers who also were sworn in. The new team had been kept under wraps and was made public only minutes before the ceremony.

Peter MacKay, deputy leader of the Conservative Party, was sworn in as minister of foreign affairs and Stockwell Day became minister of public safety, an important post that works closely with Washington on security and anti-terrorism issues.

Gordon O'Connor was sworn in as minister of defense. Harper declined to name a deputy prime minister, doing away with the post under him.

.....

Why do Politicians leave Politics?

2006-02-05T13:46:00.000-07:00

How wives changed Parliament's face
Feb. 5, 2006. 09:41 AM
JENNIFER WELLS
STAFF REPORTER

It smells peculiar."

Four years ago John Crosbie, ex of the House of Commons but still full of bonny mots, passed that judgment on Brian Tobin's decision to bow out of politics.

In making his announcement in January 2002, Tobin had by his side his wife, Jodean, whose sweet, youthful face was all but unknown outside of Newfoundland. It was the emotional pull of Jodean and their three offspring, said Tobin, that drew him to the conclusion that his political days were over.

To emphasize the point, Tobin offered this misty-eyed quote: "It's amazing what the glow of a Christmas tree will do to civilize even the most savage political beast."

Observers, in their turn, turned flinty-eyed in their examination of Tobin's exit, suggesting that the home-and-hearth trope was merely convenient cover for the cabinet minister's realization that the Liberal leadership was not in the offing. And anyway, weren't two of the Tobin's "children" in university? "Family reasons is an old saw, but it won't cut [it] in this instance," harrumphed Crosbie. "I don't believe it for a minute."

Today Mr. Crosbie makes this observation: "Practically two out of three times when some politician decides he's not going to run again, this is given as a reason," he says.

"It makes you sound, you know, responsible and reasonable and a family lover, etc. etc. It gives a warm and cosy feeling, I suppose."

As of this moment, Crosbie's two-out-of-three proves shy of the mark. A string of potential candidates for the Liberal leadership have offered up The Spouse and/or more broadly The Family as the compelling reason not to aim for the big job.

Tobin has taken a pass, defeating the '02 predictions that he was bound to make a reappearance on the political stage. So, too, have Frank McKenna, husband of Julie, John Manley, husband of Judith, and Allan Rock, husband of Debby Hanscom.

An echo of the possible wisdom of such a decision could be heard at week's end, when Paul Martin offered a brief and possibly half-joking sound bite on how Sheila Martin might feel, now that her husband's leadership days are behind him. (See sidebar quiz.)

Certainly, Mrs. Martin deserves a holiday on the family farm for as long as she darn well pleases, small reward for the interminable official functions in which she served as wife of the PM and the interminable hours spent on the hustings. To her credit, Sheila Martin never had the wide-eyed, paper doll look of some official wives. And in quiet sufferance she bore the endless attacks on the Ottawa Liberals as a corrupt force. "She had her share of fun," says someone who watched her up close in Ottawa. "You'd see her around the city having dinner with her friends." That, of course, was before the election. During the campaign, she stood at almost every single event, steadfast. "And then you see this spiral occur," says the Ottawaphile. "It does create a sense of hurt."

Why, we wonder, would someone not want to come up with a couple of million bucks to run a leadership campaign?

And why, we wonder, would someone not want to be the wife of that person, or, for that matter, the husband of that person?

And why, we wonder, would someone not want to have pins stuck in one's eyes?

The legitimacy of the family fallback can be known to only an intimate few. It has become the fashion in many arenas — business and sports are but two — to cite "personal reasons" as the rationale for exiting one's job. Such personal reasons, we know, run the gamut from "I knew I wouldn't get the top job," to "They're not paying me enough," to "The company failed to make its numbers so they've hurled me over the ramparts." The higher the position held, the more likely the "personal reasons" press release will be trotted out. The device is very big with CEOs and is often accompanied by a great deal of cash.

On rare occasions — say, the illness of a spouse — leaving for personal reasons may be transparently true.

On even rarer occasions, there comes along a politician or potential politician whose deep examination of his true self — as opposed to his public self — is offered up for all to see. General Colin Powell is one such. In announcing in November 1995, that he would not be seeking the Republican nomination, dashing all hopes of anointing the first black president in the U.S., Powell put his family, and most particularly his wife, Alma, first. "I have spent long hours talking with my wife and children, the most important people in my life, about the impact an entry into political life would have on us," he said. "It would require sacrifices and changes in our lives that would be difficult for us to make at this time."

`It would require sacrifices and changes in our lives that would be difficult for us to make at this time'Gen. Colin Powell, on not running for the Republican nomination

It was the contextualization that made the Powell announcement so compelling. He was exceptionally forthcoming about his wife's periodic depression, with which she had been grappling "for many, many years." And there was the hard work she had already endured — as a military spouse, Alma Powell had had to resettle the family after more than a dozen moves. The rumoured presidential bid had given the couple a taste of the loss of privacy they would suffer. "That makes you very vulnerable," she said once, commenting on how it felt to have strangers arriving on the doorstep. There was the hate mail. And fears for her husband's safety. The general had made no secret of his distaste for parts of the politics game: the "ad hominem attacks that destroy character"; the "incivility that exists in political life right now."

In the days after Powell's announcement, Newsweek ran a feature story in which the deciding moment is set with the Powells lying in bed one morning. Alma is weeping and she says, simply, "No." In a later interview, she said she had been emphatic about him not running. "I told him that from the very beginning."

As the Powell drama played out, Bloc Québécois leader Lucien Bouchard agonized publicly over his own political future and whether to enter provincial politics. "It's well known that my wife is not crazy about politics," he said of Audrey Best in November 1995, adding that his children, then aged 5 and 4, had learned the word "referendum." "They hate it. They spit when they pronounce it." The Los Angeles Times called it "Canada's version of the recent Colin Powell syndrome." Years later, when Bouchard resigned as Quebec premier, the young family, he said, was uppermost in his thoughts.

That said, knowing what we know about politics, particularly in its modern iteration, deciding to stay home may be the very essence of sensibility.

In September, Mark Latham, the former head of Australia's Labor Party, gave a rousing speech at the University of Melbourne entitled "Ten reasons why young idealistic people should forget about organized politics." Latham recounted the story of someone who had contemplated entering politics, but then thought the better of it because he "didn't hate his children enough."

The negative impact of family life was, Latham indicated, incalculable. The endless hours away from home; the ceaseless invasion of one's privacy. He quoted a former minister who had intoned, "Every day you spend away from your children is a day you never get back." Added Latham: "In politics, you spend far too many days away from your children."

The loss of personal life could, one supposes, be somewhat bearable were it not for what Latham described as the mounting antipathy on the part of the electorate. "Only the political class maintains the façade that what they do is important and well-respected."

The privacy invasion has not ended, however. Last week, Latham, now a self-described "home dad," threw a punch at a Daily Telegraph reporter outside of a Hungry Jack's restaurant, where he had taken his young sons for a bite.

Psychologists were quoted in the papers theorizing about Latham's lack of anger management skills and the possible traumatizing effects on the kids.

Warming to the subject that a life in politics appears not at all pleasing, John Crosbie admits it's tougher now than it was in his day. "The electorate are getting more cynical all the time," he says. "People don't look up to you because you run. They think you're just a self-seeking person, or power mad."

Crosbie was first elected to the House of Commons in October 1976. For years his wife, Jane, had been stalwart in support of his provincial career. "The only time she gave me real difficulty was when I first got elected [as an MP]," he recalls. "She had to decide whether she was going to come to Ottawa with me or stay back in St. John's to look after the dog. She had man's best friend there. She didn't want to leave him. At Christmastime, I finally had to say, `Now look, it's either me or the dog.' And I was, quite frankly, surprised when she chose me."

It is a bit of a shtick, but Crosbie now says he is in full sympathy with anyone who chooses not to be leader of a national political party. "It is getting harder to get your wife, and your children for that matter, to be supportive," he says.

And given his current enmity for air travel, he particularly sympathizes with East Coasters Brian Tobin and Frank McKenna. "To be treated like a scumbag every time you go through security," he says. "Life is getting tougher and more stressful."

Last Monday, McKenna held a news conference at the Canadian Embassy in Washington.

"I know what [political leadership] takes from you," said the outgoing ambassador. "I had to balance that against the opportunity to spend more time with friends and family, to watch my grandchildren grow."

He couldn't find the right balance when he was premier of New Brunswick, he said, and was "certain" that he would not be able to find that balance within the rigorous demands of the Liberal leadership.

Such a statement no longer "smells peculiar," to recall Crosbie's phrase.

It may be that the touted candidate holds not a chance of leadership success. It may be that the touted candidate has not the stomach for the rugged parliamentary sessions ahead.

Or it may be, it just may be, that it just ain't worth it.

People start to Evaluate Runs

2006-02-02T00:38:00.000-07:00

$2 million buys a ticket to the Liberal dance

By Andrew Dreschel
The Hamilton Spectator(Feb 1, 2006)

The clock on the Liberal leadership race hasn't officially started ticking yet and already it needs oiling.

With presumed frontrunners Frank McKenna and John Manley bowing out, the field, far from being wide open, is thick with speculation but thin with contenders.

It could be potential candidates are waiting for Paul Martin to formally step down and an interim party leader to be appointed before committing themselves to an uncertain future.

But as it stands now, it looks as if the natural governing party is several alpha monkeys short of a full barrel.

Money, of course, could be a crucial inhibiting factor.

It's notoriously expensive to mount an effective leadership campaign. And then there's the party's whopping debt, which prior to the election was said to be about $33 million, that also needs to be considered.

In an e-mail response to questions about her own plans, Sheila Copps, who twice ran for leader of the federal Liberals and once for the Ontario Liberals, figures you need at least $2 million to take a stab at it.

Noting she doesn't have that kind of money, Copps playfully asked for suggestions.

Unfortunately, I'm bereft of ideas, but a creative reader has proposed a mud-wrestling match between Sheila and Belinda Stronach as a party fundraiser.

I know who I'd bet on winning two out of three falls.

But perhaps it should be a tag team event with two other rumoured leadership candidates on the card -- Bob Rae and rookie MP and overnight media darling, Michael Ignatieff.

Then again, given their pointy head reputations, Rae and Ignatieff might be better equipped to engage in a fierce egg-rolling contest.

Glamour aside, it's perfectly understandable why Stronach has been considered a likely contender right from the start.

As heir to the Magna International fortune, Stronach's got the bucks to finance a campaign and, since she ran for the leadership of the federal Conservatives in early 2004, she has a wealth of recent experience.

The fact she crossed the floor to the Liberals last spring may be infuriating to Tories, but Liberals won't hold that against her. After all, even the great Winston Churchill, who was first elected as a Conservative, crossed over to the Liberals and then back again to the Tories.

In politics, loyalty is a much more flexible quality than ambition.

Ignatieff has neither Stronach's money nor experience, but at least he's an eloquent, brainy fresh face who's unburdened by any association with either Chretien or the departing Mr. Dithers.

On top of that, Ignatieff wrote The Russian Album, one of my favourite books about family roots and the Canadian immigrant experience. And he's the descendant of a famous Czarist spymaster. What's not to like?

As for Rae, outside of active politics, the former NDP premier of Ontario is both respected and admired. But Ontario voters will never forgive or forget his unpopular recession-era government.

Anyone pushing his candidacy should be serving drinks on another planet.

There are other names in the hopper, of course -- Tory crossover Scott Brison, Joe Volpe, Ken Dryden, and Martin Cauchon.

But surely the Liberals can do better than that, particularly since party connections, loyalty and experience no longer seem to be a prerequisite.

If the party is looking for star quality, it might be that Dan Aykroyd or Shania Twain are ready for political prime time.

Or perhaps the moment has come for Justin Trudeau to pick up his father's mantle and charm us with slogans about a "Justin Society."

Better yet, maybe his mother, Margaret, could take her crusade against bottled water -- surely one of the most pressing issues of our time -- to the Liberal leadership convention.

Whoever does finally throw their hat in the ring, we can at least look back on these early days of broken expectations and predictions as a reminder of why political science should always be regarded as an oxymoron.

Andrew Dreschel's commentary appears Monday, Wednesday and Friday. adreschel@thespec.com or 905-526-3495.

Manley Organization Prepared to be Kingmakers?

2006-01-28T07:32:00.000-07:00

Manley won't enter Grit leadership race

Juliet O'Neill
CanWest News Service

Friday, January 27, 2006

OTTAWA -- John Manley won't enter the Liberal leadership race, but some of his core supporters are vowing to stick together and move as a block, hoping to serve as potential kingmakers for another candidate to replace Paul Martin.

"We would have a significant impact," Brampton, Ont., lawyer Andrew Kania said Thursday, noting that the Manley campaign attracted 50,000 new Liberals in three months during the 2003 leadership race and the core group has stayed in touch for three years since then. "We could tip the balance for somebody."

It's too soon to say who that somebody might be, he said, since none of the many potential candidates, from Ambassador Frank McKenna to celebrity MP Belinda Stronach, has declared.

"But one thing we've agreed on is we're moving as a block and we're staying together and we're going to somebody in due course."

Kania's comments came amid calls from some Liberals against a coronation for McKenna or any other candidate.

"Those of us who remain must not repeat past errors of believing that we can effect change merely by exchanging party leaders," said a letter to party members from former policy chair Akah Maharaj. He called for internal reform and grassroots rejuvenation.

Bill Milliken, an Ottawa consultant and longtime friend of Manley's, said it is unlikely all of Manley's supporters will swing behind one candidate. "That may well occur, but I'm sure there are going to be differences of opinion among us, and that's healthy," he said.

Milliken noted that Manley's letter to supporters had referred to the next leader as "she or he" and he wondered whether the former deputy prime minister was referring to Stronach, the one woman known to be contemplating a candidacy. "She is probably Stephen Harper's worst nightmare because she has looked him in the eye and decided that he's not the right guy," Milliken said, "I think that might be quite useful in a Liberal leader."

Manley's decision freed a campaign network that Kania says is well placed to take advantage of a new leadership campaign finance law that will be tested for the first time by a major political party when candidates line up to succeed Martin. Although candidates with rich, generous family and friends may have an edge, none of them will be allowed to use giant or secret donations from corporations, their own bank accounts or from any other source to finance their campaigns.

The 13-month-old law gives an advantage to those who have already begun or are prepared for a mass fundraising effort based on quantity of donors rather than quantity of donation. Kania says the Manley camp is poised for that.

"I absolutely believed that we were going to win, so I'm disappointed," Kania said. "The person who's going to win is somebody who's going to be hitting the ground hard now and organizing really, really well."

The campaign-financing law is aimed at leveling the playing field by limiting single campaign contributions to $5,200 per donor. Candidates are allowed to contribute twice that, a maximum $10,400, to their own campaign. All donors must be disclosed to the public, although not necessarily before the vote, as candidates are granted time after the new leader is chosen to raise funds to pay campaign debts.

Travers seeks a few good men, and women

2006-01-28T06:55:00.000-07:00

Liberals need to do a little soul-searching

Fissures in party are decades deep

Jan. 28, 2006. 01:00 AM

JAMES TRAVERS

Just days after defeat, federal Liberals are frenetically looking here, there and everywhere for a new saviour. Their time and energy would be better spent searching for the party's soul.

Liberals surprised themselves and Conservatives Monday by finding a good way to loose. Now, the country's dominant political force is in grave danger of missing for the second time the message voters delivered in two elections spread over 18 months.

An 11th-hour surge in June 2004 secured a minority victory. Last weekend, lingering discomfort with Stephen Harper and tough, misleading abortion advertising stampeded enough voters back to Liberals to cost Conservatives at least 14, mostly Ontario, seats and ensure a party that ruled almost unchallenged since 1993 wouldn't be reduced to a rump.

So, instead of licking wounds and learning lessons, Liberals today are feeling rather good about themselves. Paul Martin's wise, elegant and instant resignation pre-empted another round of patricide, strong ministers survived to give an inexperienced Conservative cabinet fits, and the popular vote held up well enough to help reduce a bulging financial burden.

All that stands between Liberals and their usual place at the top of the political heap and bottom of the public trough is an energizing leader and a few Conservative mistakes. Not quite.

Fissures in a party that once took pride in its cohesiveness now run decades deep. Martin is the first leader since Pierre Trudeau to leave before being knifed in the back and his successor's first job will be to restore some semblance of harmony.

"The party as a whole needs to get over the tribal feuding and regroup around some common ideas and beliefs," says John Manley, the former deputy prime minister who this week stepped out of the still unofficial race.

Liberals and the lengthening list of wannabe leaders should listen. A contemplative truce is necessary if the party is to discover if it still has a purpose beyond winning elections, managing power and rewarding its friends.

That's mostly what governing parties think about. They don't have the time or luxury to consider broad public policy options or defining values as they take care of helter-skelter business.

It wasn't their wish, but Liberals now have an opportunity for introspection. How they go about it, academic and former Trudeau adviser Tom Axworthy correctly argues, will make the difference between a short-term fix and a lasting, long-term repair.

Martin is the first leader since Trudeau to leave before being knifed in the back

"Just picking a new leader is the easy way to do it," Axworthy says. "In my view, it would be a mistake."

Leaving it to the successful contender to define the party would miss the point of the last two elections. Liberals not only blackened their brand with scandal and entitlement, they wandered so aimlessly between promise and delivery and muttered so much about obscure values that their image is hopelessly blurred.

To restore the brand and focus the image, Liberals beginning a traditionally gritty and opaque leadership contest must demonstrate saintly integrity while building from the ground up, not top down, a superstructure of clear values, innovative ideas and marketable policies.

Getting the sequencing right is essential. If their priority is having a leader in place if Harper fails, Liberals won't take time to reconsider what made Martin so appealing while he was toppling Jean Chrétien and why that support faded so fast.

Strange as it seems at the end of a continuum that began with majority and ended in defeat, Martin identified — but couldn't fully implement — a winning Liberal formula. Slashing the democratic deficit, preparing for wrenching economic changes and recognizing the importance of big cities are essential pieces of the 21st-century kaleidoscope.

But there are other large pieces that Martin's clique failed to grasp or arrange. They misunderstood Quebec's appetite for a federalist alternative, couldn't cope with a political right that was coalescing while the left fragmented or with a double power shift from east to west as well as from urban cores to the suburbs and beyond. Most of all, they missed that parties must deliver what they sell in an age when savvy consumers are all-powerful.

Sure, choosing the appropriate leader is fun and significant. Going back to the future with a Chrétien-era power-broker or even an influential Martin minister will shape a much different future than if Liberals opt for a fresh start, a clean slate.

But what's essential is that thoughtful Liberals rise on their hind legs to regain control of the party and set its course. That's not easy for an inclusive party standing uneasily in the mushy middle of the ideological spectrum.

It requires a complex process where leadership contenders become ordinary Liberals long enough to debate party identity and decide where it would take the country if again trusted with power.

After a long internal struggle, Conservatives know who they are and are mostly candid about the Canada they want. Liberals must now decide if they have the courage to endure the same cathartic process.

If not, they will be leaving it to yet another saviour to rediscover the party's soul.

A healing prescription for Liberals

2006-01-26T22:21:00.000-07:00

By JOHN MANLEY

Thursday, January 26, 2006 Posted at 4:01 AM EST

From Thursday's Globe and Mail

In the aftermath of the elections of 2004 and 2006, Conservatives are savouring a victory, albeit a slim one, that they had not expected to come so soon. Liberals are wondering why and how their dominance of the Canadian political scene has ended so quickly, and what they must do to restore the trust of Canadians, which has been lost.

If Liberals believe that better campaign tactics and strategy were all that stood between them and continuing in government, we will fail to undertake the self-examination that an electoral defeat should cause. As a Liberal who hopes for the early return of a Liberal government, I believe there are several steps that are essential to the renewal of the party.

First, Liberals must, with humility, acknowledge the breach of trust that occurred with the Canadian people. Like it or not (and I don't), Canadians had their fill of a governing party that was seemingly always under investigation. In addition, the Liberal Party's belief that its values were closer to Canadian values than those of the Conservatives, and that the country would never elect Stephen Harper was not only arrogant, but a strategic error.

Second, Liberals must move quickly to heal the wounds within the party. The divisions that have been with the party since Pierre Trudeau's time have only been papered over. The belief, in the past two years, that the party's dominance over the opposition was so great that some Liberals were expendable was an error of gigantic proportions. If Liberals do not show respect for one another, how can the public be expected to respect Liberals?

The Liberal Party should be a political home for those who are socially progressive, economically responsible, and who possess a vision of the future of Canada that comprehends the challenges of competing in a world of giants. This is no time for Martin-Liberals to be fighting Chrétien-Liberals. Rather, it is a time for unhyphenated Liberals to work to renew their great political institution.

Third, the party must use this time outside government to focus on the big challenges of the day and prepare a program that appeals to moderate and progressive voters. Mr. Harper's successful wooing of many Ontario middle-class voters should be a reminder to Liberals that it is not enough to talk about "Liberal values" and good economic statistics. Middle-income Canadians have benefited from a healthy economy. However, their sense of personal safety has been affected by tragic and high-profile crime in our cities, and their sense of economic security is threatened by higher energy prices and job uncertainty, especially in the manufacturing sector.

Middle-class urban and suburban voters needed some indication that their leaders were listening. Instead, they got a "beer and popcorn" response that could only be seen as arrogant. This is a sure indication that it's time for policy renewal in the Liberal Party as we seek to secure Canada's place in the 21st century. I very much hope to be part of this renewal and believe that the choice of a new leader must not shortchange the need of the party to renew its ideals and reaffirm its beliefs.

Finally, the party must seek new leadership in the aftermath of Paul Martin's gracious announcement of his intention not to lead the Liberal Party into the next election. The first task of the new leader will be to unite and heal the party. She or he will then need to restore the sense of purpose and the idealism that are part of the Liberal tradition. (While I hope to play a role in the renewal, healing and unification of the Liberal party, I have decided for personal reasons that I will not be a leadership candidate.)

All of this is a tall order for a party whose supporters no doubt feel somewhat dispirited and bruised. But the work must be done. Canadians have shown that they want the ability to choose between alternative governments. The task of the Liberal Party is to pick itself up from an electoral defeat and be prepared to offer a clear choice to Canadians whenever the next election may be held.

John Manley, an Ottawa-based lawyer with McCarthy Tétrault LLP, was deputy prime minister to Jean Chrétien.

Sigh...

2006-01-25T23:15:00.000-07:00

Former deputy prime minister John Manley won't seek Liberal leadership at 0:17 on January 26, 2006, EST.

OTTAWA (CP) - Former deputy prime minister John Manley won't seek the Liberal leadership, The Canadian Press has learned.

Manley sent a letter late Wednesday night to friends and supporters informing them that he won't be a contender in the race to succeed Paul Martin, who announced his plan to step aside after leading the Liberals to defeat in Monday's election. "(Manley) is basically going to tell them, after thinking about it, he's not going to pursue the leadership of the party," a source close to Manley said. "He's got a life now. He's very much enjoying the work he's doing."

He couldn't be reached for comment late Wednesday.

Manley ran against Martin for the leadership in 2003 but pulled out of the race early when it became apparent that Martin could not be stopped. Martin made it clear Manley would not be welcome in his regime, offering him the plum assignment of ambassador to Washington.

Manley declined the offer and retired from public life, joining the law firm of McCarthy Tetrault as senior counsel.

The source said he's enjoyed being involved in major business deals and sitting on the boards of a number of corporations.

Former New Brunswick premier Frank McKenna took the Washington post after Manley turned it down. McKenna, now perceived to be the frontrunner to replace Martin, cleared the way for a leadership bid Wednesday, announcing that he's offered his resignation as ambassador to Stephen Harper, the Conservative prime minister-designate.

The source said Manley was not daunted by the prospect of facing McKenna in a leadership contest. Rather, at 56, Manley simply felt the time was not right for him to attempt a political comeback.

Another political ally said Manley made up his mind not to run some time ago, adding the newspaper article outlining his intentions had been written before McKenna offered his resignation.

Among other things, Manley had to consider the possibility that the next leader of the Liberal party could be sitting on the opposition benches for years to come.

Manley was frustrated during the 2003 leadership contest by what he considered the party brass's attempts to rig the rules to ensure a Martin coronation. Some Liberals suspect the party is now attempting to do the same thing again, preparing to set an early fall date for the leadership convention, something that would favour McKenna.

McKenna is likely to inherit Martin's political machine.

Some Liberals have argued that the next leader needs to be someone who was in no way involved with the 10-year civil war between Martin and his predecessor, arch-rival Jean Chretien. Manley served as deputy prime minister, industry minister, foreign affairs minister and finance minister under Chretien and has clashed with Martin in the past.

However, the source said Manley has built bridges to both camps since leaving politics and did not feel his association with the Chretien regime would be a liability.

Edinburgh University's Centre of Canadian Studies Analysis? Who knew!

2006-01-25T14:48:00.000-07:00

Full Article

Now hear is the section on liberal leadership:

The Liberal crown

When Paul Martin conceded defeat early on Tuesday morning, he noted that it had not been an easy evening "but there will be another time". Canadian political history tells us he is correct, not least because the Liberal Party of Canada can orchestrate itself in various ideological directions to mount effective electoral challenges. Beyond the gossip about the reasons for Michael Ignatieff's decision to return to Canada and seek public office, or rumours of Bob Rae, the former NDP premier of the Ontario, joining the Liberals to seek the leadership, there are plenty of significant contenders within Liberal Party ranks who may emerge in the coming weeks.

Frank McKenna (the former Liberal premier of New Brunswick, now serving as Canada's ambassador to the United States), John Manley (the former minister of foreign affairs), Brian Tobin (the charismatic Liberal politician from Newfoundland) and Allan Rock (Canada's current ambassador to the United Nations who held ministerial portfolios of industry, health and justice) are all potential candidates. In short, before too long, Harper may find that he has a tough, well-motivated Liberal opposition to fight down.

Colleen Beaumier M.P. - Manley Supporter '02, will she come again?

2006-01-25T02:34:00.000-07:00

Photo by Ken Hay

Liberal MP Colleen Beaumier learned of her re-election in the riding of Brampton West while surrounded by supporters and well-wishers Monday night.

Liberal Beaumier re-elected in Brampton West

PAM DOUGLAS

Long-time Liberal incumbent Colleen Beaumier ran away with the Brampton West riding, capturing 49 per cent of the vote compared to Conservative challenger Bal Gosal's 35.7 per cent.

Beaumier said she never doubted the outcome, and the veteran MP said she is looking forward to taking on a different role as part of the opposition in Stephen Harper's Conservative minority government.

Beaumier, 61, said the solid base of support she has built in the riding is what brought her a fifth straight victory at the polls.

"I know that the polls sometimes indicated there was a change, but we never really doubted that we were going to win it," she said after being declared the winner.

"We knew our base was there," Beaumier said.

The race was not as tight as the one she faced last election against Conservative Tony Clement. Beaumier finished with about 8,000 votes more than Gosal. Approximately 4,000 votes separated her and Clement last time.

Nationally, her party did not fare as well, she acknowledged. Beaumier said it's time for a re-birth of her Liberal Party and she plans to play a role in that re-birth after winning in her riding of Brampton West for a fifth term.

"Canadians are Liberals at heart," she said during a victory party at the Royal Banquet Hall on Statesman Drive. "But they'd like to see some new ideas, some new vision, and I'm really looking forward to it. I think the change has to come from within the party."

No change in Brampton

As the national results came in Monday night, she predicted a "bloodbath" within the party in the aftermath of a Harper victory. Two hours later, Paul Martin announced he would step down as Liberal leader.

Unofficial results showed Beaumier with 49.1 per cent of the vote with 28,002 compared to Gosal's 35.7 per cent, or 20,358 votes. NDP candidate Jagtar Shergill earned 6,274 (11 per cent), and Green Party candidate Jaipaul Massey-Singh garnered 2,400 votes (4.2 per cent). Voter turnout was 59.8 per cent of the 95,412 eligible voters, according to preliminary results.

Beaumier said her campaign didn't really start until January 5.

"We felt people didn't want to be disturbed at Christmas," she said.

She said the Conservative call for change didn't work in Brampton.

"Why change? We have the best economy in years, unemployment is the lowest it's been, interest rates are low."

She said she is ready to play a different role in the House of Commons as a member of the opposition.

She has never held a cabinet post, but says she works hard in her constituency.

"It isn't always the positions that you hold in Ottawa that make you a good MP," Beaumier noted.

To criticism that she said little in the House of Commons during the past 18 months, Beaumier said the reason is not a mystery in light of the fact she supported John Manley, not Martin, during the Liberal leadership debate.

"I was marginalized, or perhaps I allowed myself to be marginalized, but I was loyal to him (Martin)."

She said there was a lot of "crap" going on in the House last term, and "I was embarrassed to sit in the House sometimes."

She said she isn't happy that Stephen Harper is going to be Prime Minister, but with a minority government, "we can hold him to the centre."

"He isn't a Progressive Conservative, he's a Reformer, and it frightens me, for our social programs and everything we have in this country," she said.

When asked what her own future holds, she said, "I don't know. That will depend on how successful I am in directing what I think the (Liberal) party should be."

The election night mood was somber at La Suhaag Banquet Hall on Hedgedale Road where Gosal supporters gave the Conservative candidate a standing ovation as he walked in just before midnight.

Thanking his campaign workers and his family, Gosal, 45, said the local results were disappointing, but nationally the election was about a new beginning for Canada.

"I guess people in Brampton weren't ready for change," Gosal said after his conciliation speech. "At the door it was completely different."

He said his team ran an excellent campaign and he couldn't think of anything that he would do differently.

"It has been a long, long campaign," he told his supporters. "It officially began on November 29, however it really began in the spring of 2005 when I was honoured to be selected as the Conservative candidate for Brampton West. Since that night I have attended many meetings, local events and knocked on literally thousands of doors. Whatever the result, these last few months have taught me a great deal about my city and so many of the wonderful people who share this community."

He said he ran because he wanted a brighter future for his family and his community. He will go back to being an insurance broker, and continue his volunteer work in the community, he said.

Massey-Singh said he was happy with a 50 per cent increase in votes for his Green Party in the riding compared to last election, and he learned a lot about himself and his neighbours during the campaign.

"I realized there are a lot of people in our community who want change and are already working for change, but they feel the political process is not working for them," he said. "There are a lot of Greens in Brampton."

He spent the final days of the campaign talking to young voters, trying to inspire them to get involved in the political process, whether that is through voting or considering a political career.

During her time in Ottawa, Beaumier has been chair, vice-chair or member of subcommittees on human rights, veterans' affairs, public accounts and citizenship and immigration. After human rights violations were uncovered during the Somali inquiry, she introduced a private members' bill that increased transparency in the bureaucracy.

She is passionate about immigration, and has been working hard on the issue for years, she says, helping to make changes that will improve the system and money to upgrade and qualify foreign credentials in Canada.

She said she would like to be in a shadow cabinet, and her interests lie with seniors, immigration, the environment, health, and ensuring Canada has an independent foreign policy.

Leadership: Day 1 &1/2 - News Roundup

2006-01-24T12:31:00.000-07:00

Who will succeed Paul Martin?


Joan Bryden
Canadian Press

Tuesday, January 24, 2006

OTTAWA -- Frank McKenna is waiting to see if he'll be fired as Canada's ambassador to Washington before deciding if he wants to leap into the Liberal leadership race.

"I've got to have some communication in the coming hours or days with the new prime minister and then make some decisions on a couple of things," the putative front-runner said in an interview.

McKenna had gone to bed by the time Paul Martin, faced with the defeat of his government in Monday's election, announced he won't lead the Liberals into the next election.

Roused from his sleep by The Canadian Press, McKenna said he wasn't surprised Martin decided to step aside. Indeed, he'd been advised of Martin's decision before going to bed.

"It's what I would've done on election night under those circumstances, clean and to the point and honourable and respectful. It's what I would've anticipated."

Canada's ambassador to Washington is traditionally a political appointment. Conservative Leader Stephen Harper, who won a minority government Monday, will likely want to replace McKenna, a former Liberal premier of New Brunswick, with a Tory appointee who more closely shares his political philosophy.

Asked if he expects to be replaced, McKenna said: "That's an issue I need to address with the prime minister before I talk about it publicly."

A longtime friend and political ally of McKenna's said the former premier is a "political addict" and will be very tempted to plunge into the leadership contest.

However, the ally said McKenna is also "very careful about his career. He doesn't do things he doesn't think he can win."

But unlike the coronation of Martin two years ago, the next Liberal leader will be chosen from a potentially large field of contenders. As many as 10 candidates could end up contesting the next race.

Other potential candidates refused to rule themselves out of the game last night.

John Manley, former deputy prime minister, acknowledged some Liberals have urged him to run.

"Some may want a dynamic, charismatic leader -- some others may support me," he joked during a CBC panel.

And Manley sounded like a candidate already when he talked about the "real need for healing."

"The tribalism that has divided (the party) is not healthy. If we don't show respect for one another, it's hard to persuade Canadians to show respect for us."

But Manley later told The Canadian Press: "I have some thinking and consulting to do. I won't be saying anything until I'm ready."

Brian Tobin, former Newfoundland premier and federal cabinet minister, said he continues to "fulfil my obligations in private life" but did not rule out returning to the political arena.

He urged the party to take its time selecting a new leader.

"There is no need to rush recklessly ahead," Tobin said.

Toronto MP Maurizio Bevilacqua was also sounding statesmanlike, calling for the party to put the lingering feud between the Martin and Chretien camps behind it.

"We do not have the luxury to not include everybody," the victorious Bevilacqua said in an interview.

"Tonight's results should not become an opportunity for people to fingerpoint but rather an opportunity to focus on the future."

Bevilacqua, who at 45 is one of the youngest possible successors, said the party needs to "reach out to a new generation of Liberals across the country" and put the infighting of the past behind them."

Michael Ignatieff, the acclaimed Harvard academic who won election for the first time in Etobicoke-Lakeshore, has been touted as a possible future leader. But his supporters had hoped he'd have some time to learn the ropes as an MP before having to contemplate a shot at the top job.

"I don't want to think, talk, discuss leadership at all," Ignatieff told the CBC.

___________________________________________________________________

Martin hands reins to Harper

Jan. 24, 2006. 10:53 AM

OTTAWA (CP) — Paul Martin has informed Gov. General Michaelle Jean that he's vacating the prime minister's job after Monday's Conservative election victory. Martin, 67, told Jean of his intention to resign by telephone this morning. The call was the first formal act in the transition of power from the Liberals to a Conservative minority government under Stephen Harper, 46. Harper's Tories won 124 of Parliament's 308 seats, while the Liberals took 103, the Bloc Quebecois 51 and the New Democrats 29. There was one independent elected.

___________________________________________________________________

Liberal leadership race starts today: experts

Liberal Leader Paul Martin speaks at his campaign headquarters in Montreal Monday night following the election loss.

John Manley is among the names being suggested for the Liberal leadership, CTV's Tom Clark said Tuesday.

Bill Graham, who was re-elected last night, said he has no interest in running for the leadership. He is shown here on Canada AM on Tuesday.

Belinda Stronach, who won re-election in her riding as a Liberal, is a possible surprise candidate for the party.

CTV.ca News Staff

Updated: Tue. Jan. 24 2006 9:42 AM ET

There are many questions this morning about the fate of the Liberal party, after Paul Martin announced he would be stepping down.

But one thing is clear -- the leadership race starts today, says CTV's Tom Clark. And that at least means Canadians won't have to face another election for at least a year and a half.

"Believe it or not, the next year and a half is going to be about the Liberal party, nobody else. Because the Liberals won't want to see this parliament brought down before they have a new leader."

Many weren't surprised that Martin would step down, after the Liberals won just 103 seats, compared to 124 for the Conservatives. But some were shocked at how quickly he announced his intentions.

"I will continue to represent with pride the people of LaSalle-Emard, but I will not take our party into another election as leader," Martin told his constituents in Montreal.

While he moved quickly, speculation about potential leadership candidates perhaps moved even faster.

Among names being suggested are the "usual suspects," as Clark calls them, of John Manley and Brian Tobin.

There may also be some surprising entries, such as Scott Brison and Belinda Stronach.

When asked this morning on Canada AM about whether she might run in the leadership, Stronach said with a smile: "You know, I'm here to serve."

Clark also suggested that Frank McKenna, Canada's ambassador to the United States, is "packing his bags as we speak" to come back to Canada. His intentions might be known fairly soon, as he would have to resign from his post.

Michael Ignatieff, Denis Coderre and Martin Cauchon have also been mentioned as possibilities.

"This is going to be a very interesting race to see who will succeed Paul Martin. One thing about the Liberals, they do not like losing," said Clark.

Bill Graham, who was re-elected last night, said he has no interest in running for the leadership. However, he said he is confident the party will pick the right person for the job.

"I think it will clearly be very, very important for the party to choose a new leader and the right leader that can bring together the wonderful strands across this country," said Graham.

"And I'm confident we will be able to do that."

In the meantime, Martin may pick an interim leader, said CTV's Robert Fife.

"I don't know this right now, but he may want to get out," Fife said.

"He's pretty beaten up right now, and certainly all the people who are around him will not be regarded very highly by anybody in the Liberal party."

___________________________________________________________________
Conservatives to form a minority; Martin tells Gov. Gen. he's resigning

By JEFF SALLOT AND TERRY WEBER

Tuesday, January 24, 2006 Posted at 12:45 PM EST

Rideau Hall said the Liberal Leader spoke with the Governor General by telephone about 9.30 a.m. EST. The official announcement did not indicate when the new Conservative cabinet would be sworn in.

Pending recounts, the Conservatives won 124 seats to the Liberals' 103 in Monday's election. The Bloc Québécois won in 51 ridings and the NDP in 29.

As usual at election time, the senior federal bureaucracy has transition plans and briefing books ready in the event that a new government is elected. But Mr. Harper will need several days to decide on the size and makeup of his cabinet.

Mr. Harper is expected to begin consulting with party veterans and new members of his caucus today. The consultations and security vetting process could take ten days to two weeks.

Mr. Martin, who said Monday he won't lead the Liberals into another election, kept a low profile. He planned no public appearances.

Also this morning, Bloc Québécois Leader Gilles Duceppe tried to put the best possible face on his party's performance in the election. The Bloc lost seats and share of the popular vote in Quebec, after Mr. Duceppe's initial campaign boasts that the separatist party would win more than half the popular vote.

"We finished first [in Quebec] for the fifth consecutive time," Mr. Duceppe told a news conference, noting that Bloc candidates also knocked off several Liberal cabinet ministers. "We have the balance of power in Ottawa."

Canadians decided Monday to cautiously change the national government, giving Harper's Conservatives a slim minority and tethering the other parties to a short leash in the new House.

The results suggest that the new government may be able to function for at least 18 months, the average life for minorities in Canada.

The defeat of Mr. Martin's Liberals, and his announcement that he's stepping down as leader, sets off a leadership race that will pre-occupy that party for months, killing any appetite for forcing an early election.

Jack Layton's New Democrats increased their standings in the House, but fell short of the numbers needed to hold a clear balance of power.

Canadians don't want another election soon, Mr. Layton told supporters in Toronto on Monday night.

Today, at a news conference, Mr. Layton said the new Parliament could continue "for months and years" as long as the Conservatives co-operate to produce results for working families.

"I'm very optimistic for the future," Mr. Layton said.

The new NDP caucus isn't large enough to prop up the Tories on a confidence vote in the face of a united opposition from the Bloc and Liberals. But Mr. Layton said holding a mathematical balance of power is "overrated."

A tight confidence vote could be decided by the sole independent elected Monday, colorful former Quebec radio show host André Arthur, a federalist.

The Bloc lost seven seats and its share of the popular vote was reduced as the Conservatives picked up seats in Quebec, establishing the Tories as a second federalist option in the province.

The Conservative breakthrough in Quebec means that Canada now has two parties with MPs from all regions of the country for the first time since 1993.

In his victory speech in Calgary, Mr. Harper reached out to the other parties and leaders. He said Canadians owed Mr. Martin thanks for his service to the country and he congratulated Mr. Layton and Mr. Duceppe for running "solid and honourable campaigns … We are all democrats."

Recognizing that his minority is slim, Mr. Harper said: "To those who did not vote for us, I pledge to work for all of us."

But he made it clear he feels he has a sufficient mandate to pursue his core five planks of his platform: a federal accountability act to clean up government, cuts in the hated GST, tougher anti-crime measures, childcare credits, and reduced wait times for medical care.

Voters have asked all the parties to work together, Mr. Harper said. "We're going to govern with an open mind" and may make mistakes from time to time, he added.

New Democrats indicated throughout the campaign that they might find common ground with the Conservatives on several Tory priorities, including cleaning up government.

"We'll not just oppose, we'll propose in a way that's is balanced and fiscally responsible," Mr. Layton said Monday night.

One of Mr. Harper's first tasks will be to put together a cabinet that is balanced geographically and includes old stock Tories as well as representatives from the Reform/Alliance wing of the party.

Almost certain to join the cabinet are new Quebec MP Lawrence Cannon, a former provincial Liberal minister, Deputy Leader Peter MacKay of Nova Scotia and Rona Ambrose, an up and coming bilingual Albertan who performed well in opposition.

Some veteran Western MPs who have been with the Reform/Alliance/Conservative movement through its various permutations for years may be disappointed.

Mr. Martin conceded defeat shortly after midnight, telling supporters he had called his opponent to offer his congratulations and said he wouldn't lead the party in the next election.

"I will continue to represent with pride the people of LaSalle-Émard but I will not take our party in to another election as leader," he said.

"In the coming days, I will consult with the party leadership as to how best to ensure an orderly transition and an effective leadership in the House of Commons and the party."

There is no shortage of possible Liberal leadership candidates.

They include Frank McKenna, the former New Brunswick premier who is now ambassador in Washington; former Harvard professor Michael Ignatieff who won a seat in a Toronto riding Monday; former cabinet minister Martin Cauchon from Quebec and Ontario MP Maurizio Bevilacqua.

Other possibles are former deputy prime minister John Manley, former Newfoundland premier Brian Tobin, and Liberal MPs Joe Volpe, Scott Brison, and Belinda Stronach, who once ran for the Conservative leadership.

The Conservative gains came on the back of a swell in support in Central Canada, but the Liberals still managed to cling to seats in some key regions — helping limit the Tories' overall advance.

The Conservatives managed roughly 36 per cent of the popular vote nationally compared with 30 per cent for the Liberals, 17 per cent for the NDP and 10 per cent for the Bloc.

In Quebec, the Conservatives increased their share of the popular vote more than 17 percentage points, managing to win the party's first federal seat in that province in five years. The Liberal popular vote in the province was down 14 percentage points. The shift also saw the Bloc's share of the popular vote slip 7 percentage points.

Similarly, in Ontario the Liberals' chunk of the popular vote was down 5 percentage points. In that province, the Liberals were elected in 55 seats — down from 74 in the last sitting — compared with the Conservatives' 39.

In British Columbia — where polls had suggested a three-way battle — the Conservatives were elected in 17 of 36 seats, down from 22 in 2004. The NDP were next with 10 and the Liberals followed at nine.

The NDP, which had 18 seats in the last Commons, managed double digit gains in terms of its seat count — to 29 from 18.

"Our Canada puts ordinary Canadians first and tonight ordinary Canadians in the millions put their trust in the NDP and took a step forward," Mr. Layton told an audience in Toronto.

"We won't let you down."

Mr. Duceppe, meanwhile, promised Quebeckers a "responsible" opposition in the next Parliament.

"We will make sure Quebec moves forward because we know everything that makes Quebec move forward moves us forward toward sovereignty," he said.

___________________________________________________________________

Paul Martin steps down as Liberal party leader

Succession meeting soon. Martin stays on as LaSalle-Emard MP


PEGGY CURRAN
The Gazette

Tuesday, January 24, 2006

CREDIT: JOHN KENNEY, THE GAZETTE

Prime Minister Paul Martin hugs a supporter in his LaSalle-Emard riding after conceding defeat to Stephen Harper and the Conservatives.

On the heels of a stunning defeat, Paul Martin last night announced he was stepping down as Liberal leader and will meet with party officials immediately to begin the process of succession.

Martin spent much of his life trying to become prime minister. For a while last night, it seemed he was in no rush to leave it behind. But when he finally stood on the podium at election headquarters, there was no equivocation. He told a small crowd of party faithful he would stay on as member for LaSalle-Emard but sign off as leader as soon as possible.

"Ours will be a strong opposition, and I will continue to represent my riding with pride."

With returns pointing to a minority government for Stephen Harper's Conservatives, the Liberal leader lingered at a downtown hotel playing cards with his wife, Sheila, and their three sons before finally heading to the podium at Buffet Sorrento to concede defeat, and face the future.

Embraced by a small but vocal crowd - made up largely of new Canadians - Martin began by expressing his thanks and support to voters in LaSalle-Emard who have voted for him since he was first elected 17 years ago. "I say thank you from the bottom of my heart.

"I want to express my gratitude to all those who have served with me in cabinet from coast to coast to coast. I am so proud of what we have achieved together."

He boasted of the Liberals' strengths, especially it's history of looking after those who might otherwise be neglected or fall through the cracks. "We endeavour to ensure that no Canadian is ever left behind."

While some of their candidates were defeated, Martin said this is not the end of the road. "There will be another chance, and there will be another time. To all those who ran under the Liberal banner ... you have done your party, and you have done your country, proud."

The Liberals have much to be proud of, he said, beginning with an invigorated economy, which has "restored confidence in a country whose spirit was almost broken."

Martin said he had just called Harper and congratulated him. "The people of Canada have chosen him to lead a minority government."

Long before Martin reached the stage, Liberal cabinet minister John Manley had laid a few cards on the table. Manley, himself touted as a likely contender for the Liberal leadership, dropped broad hints Martin should waste no time in stepping aside. Michael Ignatieff, the Liberal neophyte in Toronto also mentioned as a potential leadership candidate, said Martin had "fought like a tiger" and the Liberals were down but not out. "I don't want to think, talk about or discuss leadership," Ignatieff said.

However, other senior Liberals admitted their party has suffered the effects of the sponsorship scandals for the last two elections. Serious rebuilding would be needed before the party could regain the confidence of voters, particularly in vote-rich Ontario, where the Liberals surrendered more than 20 seats to the Tories and New Democrats.

As election results poured in, showing the Liberals taking a thumping across the country, the mood at election headquarters was morose. Only when Liberal candidates from Montreal ridings started to trickle in shortly before midnight did supporters put on a brave face.

"A lot of people would rather stay home than face someone when the new is bad," said campaign worker Ajaib Sandhu, recalling the night in June 2004 when jubilant supporters rattled red and white balloons to celebrate Martin's victory. Sandhu and Harjinder Singh Sohi, who spent the day ferrying Liberal voters to polling stations, confessed there was a gap between what they hoped and what they expected. "I wish Mr. Martin well, whatever happens," Sandhu said.

That Martin would hang on to LaSalle-Emard, a solid Liberal riding in west-end Montreal, was hardly in doubt, despite challenges from May Chiu, a 40-year-old lawyer running for the Bloc Quebecois, and insurance broker Georges-Alexandre Bastien, who carried the flag for the Tories. Bringing up the rear were the NDP's Russ Johnson and Serge Bellmare of the Green Party.

As the first votes were tallied, the Liberal leader remained cloistered with his wife and close advisers, assessing the extent of the damage - knowing the best they could hope for probably wouldn't be enough to salvage Martin's political career.

Or that he would even want to, after a lacklustre, gaffe-plagued, campaign where he was stuck playing defence, fending off attacks from left, right and centre. No wonder Martin often looked battered and weary, under siege from the Bloc in Quebec and the Tories and NDP everywhere else.

pcurran@thegazette.canwest.com

Decision 2006

___________________________________________________________________

January 24, 2006

Leadership hopefuls emerging

By CP

OTTAWA -- Frank McKenna is waiting to see if he'll be fired as Canada's ambassador to the U.S. before deciding if he wants to leap into the Liberal leadership race.

McKenna said he wasn't surprised Martin decided to step aside -- indeed, he'd been advised of Martin's decision before going to bed.

Other potential candidates refused to rule themselves out of the game last night.

John Manley, former deputy prime minister, acknowledged some Liberals have urged him to run.

"Some may want a dynamic, charismatic leader -- some others may support me," he joked.

Brian Tobin, former Newfoundland premier, said he continues to "fulfil my obligations in private life" but did not rule out returning.

Michael Ignatieff, the acclaimed Harvard academic who won election for the first time in Etobicoke-Lakeshore, has been touted as a possible future leader.

But his supporters had hoped he'd have some time to learn the ropes as an MP before having to contemplate a shot at the top job.

"I don't want to think, talk, discuss leadership at all," Ignatieff told the CBC.

Leadership: Day 1

2006-01-24T00:34:00.000-07:00

How predictable of Jason... I bet he got a phone call from up on high telling him to push McKenna tonight.

Jason Cherniak and the style of blindly following leadership hopefuls is a symptom, and very symbolic of what is wrong in the liberal party today.

The liberal party needs to return to its policy core, and rediscover what we stand for. A strong Canada, where all provinces are treated equally. A core fault of the Martin Liberals was to make side deals (mostly about money) without considering the long term implications to other provinces.

The party needs a race that is not a coronation. Where the leadership (edit) doesn't feels free to arrogantly ignore policy passed on the convention floor, dismissing it with an off the cuff remark.

John Manley Deals With Post Secondary

2006-01-23T06:35:00.000-07:00

November 18, 2002 Vol. 32 No. 12

Five questions for
John Manley
An exclusive Gazette interview with
the Deputy Prime Minister

Q.How important is supporting post-secondary education for the federal government?

A.It’s been one of the themes we have pursued consistently in budgets since 1996 when we started the Canadian Foundation for Innovation. It has included a lot of initiatives such as the Millennium Scholarship, the Canada Research Chairs, increased funding for the granting councils and creation of the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, which links very closely to the universities. That has been a consistent and continuing theme of the federal government, and one that I intend to see continued.

Q.What can you as finance minister do to make permanent the funding of indirect research costs?

A.It’s a matter of affordability in relation to all of the other demands for funding. My hope is that we can maintain that contribution. I know from the universities I’ve met with, that it is their first priority and when we get closer to budget day, we’ll see what we can do about it.

Q.According to the AUCC, there will be approximately 30-40,000 new faculty needed to address growth and retirement concerns. What can the federal government do to address this situation?

A.That is an issue that has been raised at some of our discussions with the universities. I don’t think anyone has shown me a plan yet of what a program would look like to increase the number of graduate students and keep them here. I think that is what would be required, but it would have to go into the mill with the other things that need to be done for universities. I know it’s a growing concern at the university level as a generation of university teachers gets close to retirement.

Q.With tuition fees continuing to rise, does the federal government have any plans for the Canada Student Loans program, or any plans in general to help support undergraduate students?

A.The most recent things we’ve done is – in addition to the enhanced ability to save for student fees through RESPs – has been the deductibility of student loan interest, as well as the Millennium Scholarships and the increase in the exemptions for awards and scholarships under the income tax act. So that is the package thus far. I think we are going to need to continue to follow what’s happening and see if there are additional things we can and should do.

Q.As finance minister, what can you do to support the continued growth of research and innovation in Canadian universities?

A.I think there are a lot of things we can do; it’s a question again of what is affordable. We continue funding the foundations that support infrastructure development, CFI and CIHR in particular. There is continuing funding for the research granting councils and that funding includes the social sciences and humanities, which sometimes get forgotten in the mix, but I think they are important elements needing support. I think the incentives we have been working on for commercialization of research out of universities – support for targeted areas of research that complement the basic research, such as environmental technologies and information technologies – is important. I think there is a range of things that we have managed to do quite successfully and we need to enhance and continue.

Manley continues to engage media

2006-01-23T00:45:00.000-07:00

Talks in today's Hill Times

"Campaigns are tough. I've been through a lot of them and they're roller coasters and in this campaign, the Liberal Party has a particular challenge of trying to win a fifth consecutive election, that's always going to be difficult but we'll wait and see what the result is on Monday."

Full Article

Blog Mentioned in Paper Column!

2006-01-22T20:15:00.000-07:00

"Some Liberals who expect him to quit quickly and allow an interim leader to take his place are not waiting for the election to organize, with anonymous blog sites popping up promoting former Deputy PM John Manley and former Justice Minister Martin Cauchon for leader."

Full Article Below

Insiders concede defeat
MPs, organizers admit it's too late to stem Tory tide
By STEPHANIE RUBEC, PARLIAMENTARY BUREAU

Liberal Leader Paul Martin plays guitar with a band during a Franco-Manitoban party in the Ste Boniface district of Winnipeg on Saturday. (Paul Chiasson, CP)

BRAMPTON -- Liberal volunteers, organizers and even MPs are admitting certain defeat tomorrow night at the hands of Stephen Harper's Conservatives barring an 11th hour change of heart by Canadian voters.

As Grit troops fan across Canada in a last-ditch effort to turn the tide, they're weighed down by the latest polls that show the Conservatives remain in the lead and have gained substantial ground in Quebec.

Most Grits publicly insist there's still a chance their leader Paul Martin will "pull a rabbit out of the hat" and bring home a second Liberal minority government, but privately they admit that they've lost faith.

"I wish we were going to win but we are going to lose," said a long-time Liberal organizer working in Toronto who has booked a vacation to a sun destination next week to boost his spirits.

"I wish we could pick up just enough seats to pull it off."

When asked when he threw in the towel, the veteran Grit said "when we had no time left to rebound in the polls."

RUN OUT OF TIME

The latest public surveys have seen the Conservatives lead narrow slightly but continue to show Harper is expected to win the election and form a minority government.

Liberals say they've run out of time to convince Canadians to turn their back on Harper and shun NDP leader Jack Layton.

An MP of 18 years said there's little hope the tide will swing in his party's favour by tomorrow, but he's convinced he'll win his Toronto-area seat.

"I will be enjoying my time in opposition," the MP said. "Been there before and had fun. I will have fun again."

The Parliamentarian said there remains a glimmer of hope Canadians will chose Martin over Harper tomorrow but predicted a certain loss in his neighbouring ridings.

A Liberal minister's senior aide forecast voters will hand the Tories a slim five to 10 seat advantage in the Commons, adding if southwestern Ontario goes blue then other ridings are sure to follow.

The aide said there's a silver lining to defeat, pointing out that a small minority would make Harper vulnerable to defeat on his first budget vote and see a likely comeback by the Liberals.

"It (a Conservative government) won't last as long as ours did because they don't have the acumen to do it," the Liberal said.

Optimistic Grits say they're pinning their hopes on those undecided voters who they say often cast their ballot for Grit candidates in the past.

"We have to wait and see what the turnout is going to be -- there's still a high percentage of undecided," said Liberal candidate Janko Peric who was an MP in Jean Chretien's and Martin's government until he lost the 2004 election.

"I think people are waiting for the last minute to make that decision. I'm hoping that they're going to see through ... what kind of Canada Stephen Harper is offering."

Another Toronto-area MP said if his party survives and remains in government it's because local organizers succeeded at getting the undecided and traditional Liberal supporters to the polls tomorrow.

"In the 905, 416 area we're winning. As long as we stay on message we'll be okay," the longtime MP said.

Grits are divided on whether they expect Martin to step down immediately and launch a leadership race or if he'll find enough support to stay on in the event of a slim Conservative victory.

Some Liberals who expect him to quit quickly and allow an interim leader to take his place are not waiting for the election to organize, with anonymous blog sites popping up promoting former Deputy PM John Manley and former Justice Minister Martin Cauchon for leader.

stephanie.rubec@tor.sunpub.com

Manley Speaks of current election

2006-01-21T20:52:00.000-07:00

Meanwhile, in Ottawa yesterday, an old leadership rival said that while the campaign may not have been a shining moment, it won't be Martin's fault if the Liberals lose on Monday night.

"He's fighting a tough election and he has to carry with him a lot of baggage, some of which is his and some of which he's inherited," said John Manley, who served as Jean Chrétien's deputy prime minister.

"That's not a fault of his. That's just the reality of the situation that exists."

Manley wouldn't take aim at Martin's inner circle of advisers whom some blame for a flawed campaign. "I don't think it's helpful to stand outside and criticize," he said.

Instead, Manley said the Liberals' biggest handicap throughout this campaign is simply the fact that they are asking voters to return them to office a fifth time.

"There is no doubt that, over a period of time, you develop a confidence around your own processes and decision-making, which gives you a sense of self-assurance, but which, on the other side of the table, can easily come across as insensitivity and arrogance," Manley said. "And I don't know if there is a way a government that's been a long time in office can avoid that."

Rest of Article

Proof

2006-01-19T12:58:00.000-07:00

"A proof is a proof. What kind of a proof? It's a proof. A proof is a proof. And when you have a good proof, it's because it's proven."

I think it has been proven that Paul Martin has to go, and can't be replaced with a Hurle stooge. Even if one was to try, who would want to connect themselves to such a 'loyal' braintrust.

Liberal leadership could lose its allure

2006-01-19T10:01:00.000-07:00

I think Jim Travers greatly underestimates John Manley... Just as any former Martin sycophant would...

Jan. 19, 2006. 01:00 AM
JAMES TRAVERS

It's hard to argue that Liberals don't deserve the rough justice heading their way. Too long in power, too often caught putting friends first and too willing to let political expediency torque public policy, a party that ruled mostly unchallenged since 1993 now finds the cause of its current misery in the mirror.

Tilting to optimism over experience, voters in 2004 gave Paul Martin a rare second chance. It was squandered and a prime minister who measured every inch of the distance between expectations and delivery now faces a soul-searing examination of what went wrong.

There's residual unfairness in that judgment and in what waits for Martin. Four consecutive Liberal mandates made Canada economically stronger as well as arguably better and there are bright moments in a prime ministerial performance now booked for a brief run.

Still, the consensus sweeping the country is sound. Between the 2003 Liberal leadership race and this election, the ruling party gutted its brand while Martin wandered in a labyrinth of indecision.

So Liberals are about to experience what happens when fear no longer trumps hope and putting a crowbar to the status quo suddenly isn't scary. Barring recoil from the prospect of a Stephen Harper majority, a party defined by power is just days away from being rooted from it.

Fair enough. But how much punishment is in the national interest?

A vibrant democracy demands a viable alternative. The next Parliament will need a robust opposition as much as the last four suffered in its absence.

Voters will make that happen Monday. Or they could reduce Liberals to a rump.

In either case, the anticipated Conservative victory will see the ever-pleasant, long-suffering Sheila Martin abruptly drag her husband back to their sheep farm in Quebec's bucolic Eastern Townships. But the severity of the punishment is much more significant to a party shuffling towards the renewal phase of the political lifecycle.

What Liberals know is this: Chances of attracting top-tier leadership contenders fall with the rise in seats lost. "We need to rebuild quickly from a position of strength," says a lifetime Liberal and senior Martin cabinet minister. "We can't do that if we are wiped out."

That's important, and not just for the party. Liberals exaggerate wildly when they equate themselves with Canadian values and unity, but they do represent a specific set of priorities that are germane to the current, and coming, national debate. But Liberals who last took an introspective look 13 years ago are now as confused about the party's mission and vision as they are divided by bitter jealousies. The coherence and discipline that come with strong leadership are urgently required.

In the past, capable and occasionally extraordinary champions were drawn to the party by the magnet force of power. Liberal leaders, unlike those of other parties, are all but guaranteed to be prime ministers.

On Monday, that guarantee could be null and void. If Liberals tumble to, say, 85 seats from the 133 they held or, worse still, win less nationally than the Bloc in Quebec, those big names touted as the next saviours will be busy elsewhere when Liberals come knocking.

Age, better prospects and the bleakness of four or eight years dragging the party back to competitiveness won't appeal to Frank McKenna, Michael Ignatieff or even John Manley. Stripped to base metal, the once-gilded trophy of federal politics will be most attractive to an unknown new generation and election survivors who would be also-rans in more illustrious races.

Ontario's Joe Volpe and Quebec's Martin Cauchon top a list that also includes an exception. If the young are found wanting and the more experienced step aside, the great goalie and now Martin minister Ken Dryden could step up. Revered in Quebec, admired everywhere, his resumé includes business as well as hockey and politics.

It's possible Dryden could win any leadership contest. But what's far more certain is the line forming for the Liberal leadership will grow or shrink in direct proportion to Monday's results.

That's not a sound reason for Canadians to reconsider their first choice — strategic voting leads to unpleasant surprises. But it's the collateral damage waiting for Liberals at the end of this train-wreck campaign.

Without Martin, economy is still strong

2006-01-18T21:24:00.000-07:00

It was true in 2002, and it is true now. (in this old story, of course the statistics are old.)


Sherry Cooper
National Post

Friday, June 07, 2002

They said it about Paul Volcker, John Crow and Robert Rubin. They said that no one could ever fill their shoes, the markets would tumble and all credibility would be lost. They say it now as well about Alan Greenspan, the nearly octogenarian Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. His successor could never garner the respect and admiration that the Maestro enjoys. But just as we have seen this week with the exit of Paul Martin, no one is irreplaceable. No single individual really matters that much. The institutions that surround them and the political and economic climate assure an orderly progression. That is not to belittle the role that Mr. Martin has played in eliminating our budget morass and returning Canada to the triple-A status it so rightly deserves; but the machinery of the markets is much too big to allow one individual to seriously knock it off course.

And the course that Canada is on is a great one. I have just returned from a seven-city speaking tour of Europe. It felt like the old days -- the rooms were full and the interest was keen. To be sure, many were interested mainly in Canadian gold stocks, but the turnaround in the economy, the currency, and the basic industry stocks was noted and appreciated.

Canada is now a top performer. We have the strongest economy in the G7 with the best growth prospects for this year and next. We are the only G7 country with a dual surplus, in our trade and current accounts, as well as in our federal budget. Our debt ratio has plunged from a high of 71% in 1995 to around 47.5% and falling, today. With Japan's debt ratio at an unprecedented 140% or so, Canada's fiscal position is nothing short of miraculous. That is why Moody's upgraded us to triple-A status on May 3.

With the economy on wheels, consumer confidence at a 14-year high and the Bank of Canada flexing its muscles independently of the Fed, it is not surprising that Paul Martin's exit was met with only passing interest. Stories in the European Wall Street Journal, Herald Tribune and London Financial Times lauded his accomplishments, but went on to compliment the choice of John Manley as his successor and assure that fiscal restraint would likely continue. The Canadian dollar barely missed a beat.

For sure, the big case for Canada today is rising commodity prices. Gold prices recently hit a 4 1/2-year high as investors fear continued turmoil in India-Pakistan and the Middle East. The looming threat of additional terrorist attacks on the United States, coupled by the self-inflicted accounting scandals, Wall Street research probes and earnings disappointments, continue to depress the dollar and encourage foreigners to park at least some of their capital elsewhere. In this environment, gold stocks are seen as a safe haven. All the materials sectors of the TSX have put in a stellar performance this year. Merchandising companies, as well, have been boosted by the robust consumer.

Inflation, though moderately above the Bank of Canada's target, will not be a problem this cycle. Inflation tends to decline in the first year of economic expansion in lagged response to the excess capacity of the earlier slowdown. Moreover, the Bank has proven itself to be ever vigilant on the inflation front, likely hiking interest rates on every statement date for the remainder of this year. A strong performance in the stock market as a whole awaits a meaningful earnings rebound outside of basic industries; but, on an exchange-adjusted basis (accounting for the upward movement in the loonie), the TSX has outperformed the S&P 500 this year by a whopping 1,200 basis points, or 12 percentage points. Interest-rate differentials between Canada and the United States will continue to widen, thanks to a proactive Bank of Canada, so bond investors are taking note as well. Canada is increasingly the place to be -- not a bad time for a rookie Finance Minister to cut his teeth.

The risks are there, as always. A large and precipitous decline in the U.S. dollar would be destabilizing for the global economy. That is why central banks from Switzerland, to Australia to Japan are defending the U.S. dollar. Too sharp a rise in non-U.S. dollar currencies would snuff out the nascent rebound in domestic exports and dampen the domestic economy. But a precipitous drop in the greenback is unlikely. The U.S. dollar is still the only true reserve currency. Until Britain adopts the euro, it will be a far distant second. The U.S. growth pace will still be double the European average this year, and U.S. productivity growth is second to none in the world. As top-line revenues rebound, bottom-line profits will as well. So foreign interest in American assets will continue, albeit at a more tepid pace than in the past few years.

Canada now has its day in the sun. It has been a long time in coming, and even Mr. Martin's departure will not rain on this event.

Anglo News Talk in Montreal Assumes New Leadership race

2006-01-17T10:52:00.000-07:00

Cauchon jockeying to replace Paul Martin
2006-01-17 08:16:28

New polls out this morning paint a dismal picture for the Federal Liberal party heading into next Monday's election.
And with Paul Martin so far unable to stem the tide of Tory support sweeping the country, Liberals are already positioning themselves to take his job if he's forced to step down.
Front and centre in that political jockeying is Martin Cauchon, the former justice minister who used to be the MP for Outremont, a riding that Jean Lapierre may lose to the Bloc Quebecois.
La Presse reports that Cauchon will be making a public appearance Thursday to help the Liberal campaign in one of the only strongholds they have left, the Greater Toronto Area.
The paper suggests the Liberal candidates from the Toronto region are ready to back Cauchon as Liberal leader.
Cauchon tells La Presse, however, that he has not made his final decision, adding he will speak with former Prime Minister Jean Chretien first.
La Presse also names other possible replacements: Ambassador to the United States Frank McKenna, former finance minister John Manley, Liberal candidate in Etobicoke Michael Ignatief, Immigration minister Joe Volpe and Toronto Liberal MP Maurizio Bevilacqua.
At 44-years-old, Cauchon would be one of the youngest candidates to succeed Paul Martin, who's 67.

"The party is going into the repair shop for a while ... to get a new leader"

2006-01-17T10:50:00.000-07:00

Vote NDP just this once, Layton urges Liberal voters


James Gordon
The Ottawa Citizen

Tuesday, January 17, 2006

TORONTO -- Federal NDP leader Jack Layton put a new twist on attempts to siphon votes from his opponents Monday, begging disaffected Liberals to "lend" him their votes while their own party "regenerates."

"Vote for us just this once, in this election, so there is a strong voice in the next Parliament that is standing up for the priorities progressive people believe in," he told a group of students at a Toronto community college.

Layton added the Liberals will be "going into the repair shop for a while" to work on their ethical issues, and will thus be thinking more about themselves than voters' priorities.

While the New Democrat insisted he wouldn't predict the outcome of the election, his tone and message appeared to suggest the NDP now believes in the strong possibility Conservative leader Stephen Harper will be the next prime minister of Canada.

Asked if this was the case, however, Layton retreated to his prepared press lines.

He also employed the strategy when asked to clarify whether "going into the repair shop" was code for a Liberal leadership change, and pressed to elaborate on his vote-lending strategy.

Speculation has been rampant over Prime Minister Paul Martin's future if he loses the Jan. 23 vote, with media and pundits already lining up his successors. Former deputy prime minister John Manley, Canadian ambassador to Washington Frank McKenna and Toronto star candidate Michael Ignatieff have been mentioned among the front-runners.

Layton and his wife, fellow Toronto candidate Olivia Chow, laughed when it was suggested the vote-lending proposal was tantamount to asking people to hold their noses and vote NDP this time.

"We're saying, 'Here's and opportunity for you.' This election,'" Layton said. "Hey look, the first step is always the most important."

The NDP hopes the strategy will sway voters in Greater Toronto, a long-time Liberal fortress. Ex-city councillor Chow is currently in the midst of another tight battle in her riding of Trinity-Spadina -- a riding she has lost twice before.

The offensive coincided with the release of a new television ad featuring what the NDP calls "former Liberals who are choosing Jack Layton" this time.

When he was finished with the Grits, Layton moved on to wooing Red Tories uncomfortable with Stephen Harper at the helm.

Playing on Harper's negative views on same-sex marriage and government-run social programs, Layton suggested the word "progressive" was dropped from the Conservative name for a reason.

"If you voted in the past for prudent, step-by-step progress, there is nothing of that in Stephen Harper's party today," he said.

Layton wrapped up the day courting the youth vote with a visit to the Toronto studios of MuchMusic.

Dressed down for the occasion (he wasn't wearing a tie), Layton chatted about standard NDP priorities like education and the environment before hoping on an exercise bike at the request of Much On Demand co-host Leah Miller.

Earlier, the mustachioed politician was presented with an orange T-shirt bearing a cartoon version of his face and the slogan, "Don't Trash the 'Stache."

Our favorite Minister goes to Nasa!

2006-01-14T16:57:00.000-07:00

After more than nine days in space, Canadian Space Agency (CSA) astronaut Julie Payette's mission came to an end at precisely 2:03 a.m.when Space Shuttle Discovery completed a perfect landing. The Honourable John Manley, Minister of Industry Canada and Minister responsible for the CSA, accompanied by Mr. Daniel Goldin, Chief of the NASA, Mr. Mac Evans, President of the CSA, was present at Kennedy Space Center in Florida to greet Julie.

John Manley, Minister of Industry Canada, poses with Canadian Space Agency astronaut Julie Payette after the perfect landing of space mission STS-96 on June 6, 1999.

Minister of Industry John Manley (left) discusses with Canadian Space Agency astronaut Julie Payette who spent nearly 11 days aboard Discovery during mission STS-96 for the assembly of the International Space Station.

Minister of Industry John Manley and CSA President Mac Evans inspect Space Shuttle Discovery on Kennedy Space Centers Runway 15 after its landing on June 6, 1999.

Full Image Set

White House Meeting

2006-01-14T16:56:00.000-07:00

I don't think Martin could ever have a civil conversation like this...

U.S. Homeland Security Director Tom Ridge and Canadian Deputy Prime Minister John Manley meet at The White House on Friday to discuss Border Security issues. They were joined by US Ambassador to Canada Paul Celluci and Canadian Ambassador to the US Michael Kergin. White House photo by Tina Hager.

Landmine Awareness!

2006-01-14T16:48:00.000-07:00

Hon. Minister John Manley at dinner for Landmine Awareness (Ottawa) Dec. 3rd

Hon. Minister John Manley tours a student art exhibit at Rideau High School Landmine Awareness Day (Ottawa)
Landmine Awareness Day (Ottawa)

Martin may hang onto Liberal leadership even if he loses election

2006-01-13T17:56:00.000-07:00

Hopefully he will do the honourable thing....

By JOAN BRYDEN

OTTAWA (CP) - Federal Liberals are growing increasingly resigned to losing power, but they're less certain they'll lose their leader.

Some veteran Grits are adamant that Paul Martin will have to resign immediately if he fails to win at least another minority government on Jan. 23. "If (Conservative Leader) Stephen Harper becomes prime minister, Paul Martin will have to step aside," said Toronto lawyer Andrew Kania.

Kania, who said he would support former deputy prime minister John Manley in any future leadership contest, is hopeful that Martin wouldn't need to be pushed into making a swift exit.

"Paul Martin has always been a good Liberal. I'm sure he'll do the right thing and step aside."

Others aren't so sure.

"It depends how strong the (Conservative) government is," said former Chretien-era minister Herb Dhaliwal.

Liberals would be wary of dumping their leader and embarking on a potentially divisive leadership contest if they feared the government could be toppled and the country plunged into an election at any time.

If Harper were to win a weak, unstable minority, Martin would be "cut some slack," Dhaliwal predicted. But in the case of a strong, stable Conservative minority, he said: "I think the writing's on the wall (for Martin)."

Another former minister, who didn't want to be named, predicted Martin would try to hang on no matter the election's outcome. Martin has spent so many years plotting to ascend to the throne, he's not about to give it up without a fight, the ex-minister said.

Other Liberals privately contend that even if Martin himself is willing to throw in the towel, his tight inner circle of advisers won't let him. Many have devoted years to getting Martin into the prime minister's office and will want another chance to prove they can get it right.

"They'll do everything they can to make him hang on," predicted one senior Liberal.

The ex-minister also described an alternate scenario making the Liberal rounds, based on the theory that if Harper were to win a minority Jan. 23, he'd have a good chance of turning that into a majority in a couple of years.

Under that scenario, Liberals might encourage Martin to stay to fight a third, losing election in order to give the party more time to rebuild from the ground up and to allow his eventual successor to remain untainted by electoral defeat.

"You use him as bait," the ex-minister said.

Martin was for years the undisputed and impatient heir apparent to Jean Chretien. At the moment, however, he has no single obvious successor, no one for his critics to rally around in an effort to hurry him out the door.

In any event, none of the potential contenders for the Liberal crown seems to be in any big rush.

A senior Manley strategist said the Liberal party has been mortally wounded by the ongoing civil war between the Martin and Chretien factions. A new leader would need to heal the wounds and unite the party - and calling for Martin's head on election night would be the worst way to embark on that mission, the strategist said.

Other potential contenders have their own reasons for being patient. Internationally acclaimed academic Michael Ignatieff needs to learn the ropes as an MP, assuming he wins his seat, before he can aspire to lead the party. Former ministers Martin Cauchon and Maurizio Bevilacqua are young enough to bide their time.

Former New Brunswick Premier Frank McKenna would need to time to get out of his current gig as Canada's ambassador to the U.S.

Implicit in all these Liberal musings about Martin's fate is a resigned acceptance of defeat on Jan. 23.

"At this point in time, people are essentially hoping the Conservatives don't get a majority," said Kania.

However, Kania and other Liberals do maintain some faint hope that the very possibility of a Conservative majority may yet scare enough voters back into the Liberal camp that Martin can eke out another minority.

Some Liberals brace for the worst

2006-01-13T11:23:00.000-07:00

The worst would be Paulie holding on his his cold dead hands!
By MICHAEL DEN TANDT AND CAMPBELL CLARK

Friday, January 13, 2006 Page A1

With a report from Jane Taber

With 10 days to go in the federal election campaign, some veteran Liberals are openly conceding defeat, while others have begun quietly laying the groundwork for a leadership contest they believe will "renew" the party.

At the same time, senior Liberals are undertaking what amounts to a pre-election postmortem on Paul Martin's two-year tenure as Prime Minister and the current campaign.

"People are talking to me and saying, 'Well, who do you think can do well,' " former Liberal cabinet minister Herb Dhaliwal said. "I think if Paul Martin is defeated, he'll have no choice but to leave, particularly if there's a strong minority for the Conservatives."

Canada's ambassador to Washington, Frank McKenna, former finance minister John Manley, former fisheries minister Brian Tobin, Ontario cabinet minister Joe Volpe, Toronto-area MP Maurizio Bevilacqua and author Michael Ignatieff were quietly testing the leadership waters before the campaign began, and several have become more active since, insiders say.

"There's no question it's happening," said former Liberal MP John Nunziata, who held a Commons seat for 16 years, eventually sitting as an Independent, before losing in 2000. "There are people meeting surreptitiously -- certainly nothing very public. But each of the candidates, potential candidates, are working the lines. People are putting organizations together."

Mr. McKenna, in particular, appears to be gathering support. While he has been careful not to say that he's running for the leadership, he has been keeping in touch with key Liberals, insiders say.

"For a guy like McKenna, if he's calling people, it sends a message," one Liberal operative said. "I hear people are pushing him, promoting him and willing to work for him."

Recent polls have shown surging support for Stephen Harper's Conservatives, particularly in Quebec -- fuelling talk of a Tory majority.

Not surprisingly, much of the internal criticism of the Martin team comes from loyalists of former prime minister Jean Chrétien, from whom Mr. Martin wrested control of the party in 2003. Said one former Chrétien cabinet minister: "Harper's been able to bring people together. Martin hasn't."

The latest Strategic Counsel poll suggests increasing pessimism among professed Liberal supporters: 40 per cent of Liberals say they think the Conservatives will win on Jan. 23. That number has nearly doubled, from 23 per cent, in less than a week.

Mr. Martin, however, refused to concede defeat. "We were in the same position in the last election," he said in interviews yesterday. "And there was about the same time to go."

Liberal insiders say the decade-long war between Mr. Martin and Mr. Chrétien -- and Mr. Martin's failure to heal the wounds after his accession -- has hobbled the Liberal campaign. Many party organizers are sitting on the sidelines. Others were not asked to help.

One of these is Senator Jim Munsen, Mr. Chrétien's former communications director.

"Last time, I was asked, [strategist] Peter Donolo and myself, to participate in strategic conference calls, and this time I'm not," Mr. Munsen said. "But I wasn't surprised, because they have their own team, and that's the way it is."

Said Mr. Dhaliwal: "They decided, for whatever reason, that they needed to look like a whole new government and distance themselves from the Chrétien years, and get rid of all the people who have a national profile and could be helpful in the campaign. And they have not united the party."

Andrew Kania, Ontario organizer for Mr. Manley's failed 2003 leadership bid, said that if the Conservatives win, Liberals expect Mr. Martin to resign.

"At the end of the day, formally, I don't think there's going to be any campaign to remove Martin. But if there's a Conservative minority, how does he stay?" Mr. Kania said. "Everybody's quietly saying that if there's a Conservative minority or worse, he has to go."

Mr. Kania said that he has spoken to ethnic communities in Ottawa in the past two weeks, but said he networks "regardless of whether Mr. Manley is running."

"But it is obviously my hope and my expectation that he runs when it becomes appropriate, and I expect him to win."

A Conservative victory would force his party to rebuild, Mr. Kania said.

"It means it's going to be time to revitalize the Liberal Party. We're going to need to focus on the structure of the party. We're going to need to focus upon new policy and we're going to need to self-examine as to why this [loss] just took place."

Mr. Kania said he still believes the Liberals could win a minority.

"A lot of people want the Liberals to have a time-out this time, and they're not impressed with Martin personally. And I think that's a different conclusion than you actually want Harper to get a majority."

Some Liberals say the race is over, and argue a loss on Jan. 23 would benefit the party in the longer term. Some key thinkers, one Liberal senator said, "have been talking about the idea that maybe now is a perfect opportunity for renewal."

Others are less sanguine. Many Liberal MPs in Ontario are worried about their chances of winning. And the fingers are pointing at the national campaign.

One Liberal MP said he's pretty sure that Martin strategists are wearing "protective vests." And he said he feels no sympathy for Mr. Martin.

Even on the third, the Globe knew what was coming...

2006-01-12T00:13:00.000-07:00

McKenna, Manley already laying groundwork for Liberal leadership?

By JANE TABER

Tuesday, January 3, 2006 Page A7

The body isn't even warm yet, and already there are at least two senior Liberals -- Frank McKenna and John Manley -- who insiders say are quietly gearing up their leadership campaigns. The fact this is happening is an indication that some Liberals think Paul Martin's campaign is in deep trouble.

Indeed, at least one senior Liberal was stunned when the phone rang just before Christmas and Mr. McKenna was on the other end. The Canadian ambassador to the United States, and more important, the man who is rumoured to want to succeed Mr. Martin, is calling around to well-connected Liberals. In his so-called "holiday call" he did not specifically mention a possible leadership bid, but the insider said that was clearly the subtext.

In fact, Mr. McKenna, a former New Brunswick premier, did not ask directly for support, but was told by the insider that he could count on his help if he decides to seek the leadership. Other Liberals have expressed similar sentiments. Mr. McKenna is, said the insider, also careful to mention that there is no race "yet."

Meanwhile, former deputy prime minister, finance minister, foreign affairs minister and industry minister John Manley is holding a $200-a-ticket fundraiser for Ottawa West-Nepean Liberal candidate Lee Farnworth on Jan. 19. He is the guest speaker -- and laying the groundwork for his future?

The Perfect anti Martinite storm is gathering

2006-01-12T00:10:00.000-07:00

Manley campaigns for Torsney, won't rule out leadership bid

By Daniel Nolan
The Hamilton Spectator
BURLINGTON (Jan 12, 2006)

Former Liberal leadership candidate John Manley rolled into town to boost the campaign of MP Paddy Torsney, but downplayed linking the visit to a future bid to succeed Prime Minister Paul Martin.

But a political scientist and a former Liberal party pollster don't doubt Manley's visit is part of a plan to keep his face and name before party members in case the Liberals lose the Jan. 23 election and a leadership race follows.

"I think all parties have perpetual leadership races going on," said Paul Hamilton, a political science professor at Brock University. "There's good reason for individuals to boost their profiles and support the grassroots, Paddy Torsney, because they are the people that vote for the leader."

With polls indicating the Liberals have fallen behind the Conservatives in public support, including some predicting the Tories may form a majority government, some high-profile Liberals are said to be manoeuvring to replace Martin if those predictions prove correct.

Chief among the names mentioned have been Manley and former New Brunswick premier Frank McKenna, now ambassador to the United States.

Manley literally rolled into town yesterday to help Torsney in her battle to hold on to the seat she's held since 1993. They arrived by train at the Burlington GO station, from Oakville, at about dinnertime and greeted commuters pouring out of the station. Manley later attended a fundraiser.

The former deputy prime minister and finance minister said Torsney is one of a number of Liberal candidates he's visiting. He said he was in Quebec recently to help former astronaut Marc Garneau and plans to be in Ottawa and Deep River next week for fundraisers.

Asked about his leadership aspirations, Manley told reporters: "We'll see. There's no leadership campaign now. I'm not going to speculate on that right now."

When pressed, he said: "I never said I wouldn't come back and the opportunity to come back is something we'll have to analyse, if it arises. ... I have not ruled it out, but I'm not going to speculate."

Manley withdrew from the Liberal leadership race in the summer of 2003 when it became clear Martin was way out in front and he could not mount a creditable challenge. Among his supporters from caucus were Torsney and former Ancaster-Dundas-Flamborough-Aldershot MP John Bryden.

Pollster Michael Marzolini, who used to do polling for the Liberal party, does not doubt Manley's sincerity in coming to Burlington to help Torsney, especially since she supported him against Martin. He said Manley owes Torsney a favour for that support and politics is all about IOUs. But he said the subtext is a leadership bid.

"That's the subtext in every political party," said Marzolini. "If (New Brunswick premier) Bernard Lord was mainstreeting in Toronto, people would be saying, 'If Harper doesn't work, here's the spare.'"

Torsney stressed a few times to reporters there is no leadership race and she believed Martin is "doing a fabulous job in the campaign." But she spoke glowingly about Manley's record when asked if he would make a good leader.

"Absolutely," she said. "I mean we worked on issues together. We worked on international things together. ... I've been very lucky to work with Mr. Manley and many other talented people in the cabinet."

dnolan@thespec.com

905-526-3351

Even the CBC Wants Manley!

2006-01-11T23:39:00.000-07:00

John Manley (CP file photo)

John Manley: Former deputy prime minister under Jean Chrétien, who held finance, foreign affairs and industry portfolios throughout his political career and made a failed bid for the Liberal leadership in 2003. He turned 55 on Jan. 5.

Advantages: Manley was born and raised in Ottawa. He served as law clerk to Bora Laskin, the former chief justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, shortly after finishing his legal studies at the bilingual University of Ottawa. He was named Time Canada's Newsmaker of the Year for 2001 because of his performance as foreign affairs minister in the wake of the 9/11 attacks against the United States. Manley stepped into Paul Martin's shoes as finance minister after Martin and Chrétien fell out in June 2002. In late 2003, he turned down Martin's offer to become Canada's ambassador to the United States, made shortly after Manley said he did not intend to run again for the Liberals in Ottawa South. He later accepted a position chairing a royal commission on Ontario's energy system, and sits on the boards of Nortel and CIBC. The ongoing coolness between him and members of Martin's entourage would allow him to distance himself from its failure to retain majority governments for the party. And as a devoted marathoner, he's used to pacing himself to get the job done in the long run.

Handicaps: He was roundly drubbed for questioning the value of the monarchy to Canada while Elizabeth II was in the country on a royal visit in 2002, and for fumbling the question of whether NHL teams in Canada needed a federal bailout. As well, Manley was closely associated with Chrétien, whose star has dimmed in the wake of the November 2005 report into the sponsorship scandal, and the other federal parties would no doubt not let Canadians forget that. He is also a booster of stronger Canada-U.S. relations at a time when such sentiments can prove a political minefield.

Buzz: He is said to be "listening to supporters but not committing to another bid" for the party's leadership. Manley reportedly asked an old friend in Brampton, Ont., to pull together a barbecue for 300 guests in September, at which he hinted strongly about seeking the Liberal leadership. He was scheduled to be the guest speaker at a $200-a-ticket fundraiser for the Ottawa West-Nepean Liberal candidate in mid-January.

Full Text
By Carolyn Ryan

The party that lost its way by Andrew Coyne, National Post

2005-12-29T15:55:00.000-07:00

There is a Liberal party, and a Liberal leader, that could win this election. But today's Liberal party is not that party, and Paul Martin is not that leader.

Or rather, this Paul Martin is not. There is another Paul Martin who could win: the Paul Martin who slew the deficit, the Paul Martin who came to office vowing to slay the democratic deficit as well. But this is not that Paul Martin.

There is a Liberal party that could play to traditional Liberal strengths. It could attack the separatists for the destructive force that they are. It could defend the federal prerogative against the parochial demands of the provinces, and denounce the Tories for their readiness to take in the premiers' washing. It could insist on the primacy of the Charter, and the vital necessity of preserving a single-payer health care system.

There is an "ideal form" of Liberal party that could do this: the Liberal party that once was, the Liberal party that might be. But the Liberal party that is cannot, nor certainly can its present leader. Mr. Martin cannot attack separatism as illegitimate -- not after appointing one of the founders of the Bloc Quebecois, Jean Lapierre, as his lieutenant. Nor can he present himself as the man to stare down an attempted separatist coup, having done so much to undermine the Clarity Act -- from his initial refusal to endorse it, to bumping Stephane Dion from Cabinet, to Mr. Lapierre's comments, never repudiated, that the Act was "useless."

Mr. Martin cannot denounce the Conservatives for making parley with the Bloc, having done so himself whenever it suited him. Nor can he paint the Tories as the party that would give away the store to the provinces in general, or Quebec in particular, when his whole record is the same: from the debacle of the health care deal -- $41-billion in exchange for six magic beans -- to the "asymmetric federalism" fiasco to the McGuinty cave-in to the incoherent mess that was once the equalization program.

Mr. Martin might have some room to attack the Conservative leader, Stephen Harper, for his readiness to override the Charter -- were it not Mr. Harper who has in fact vowed "never" to invoke the notwithstanding clause, and Mr. Martin who once mused that he might. And Mr. Martin can say nothing about any alleged Tory threat to medicare, when it is on his watch that private medical clinics charging fat fees for access -- not just private provision, but private finance -- have proliferated across the country. He cannot so much as mention the Canada Health Act, the second Charter of Rights, when it is he who made it a dead letter.

It is the same for those more recent additions to the Liberal creed. Mr. Martin can hardly pose as the champion of Kyoto, when his own misgivings about the accord -- the usual unnamed Martin aide even mused about reneging at one point -- are well-known. Not to say the rank hypocrisy of upbraiding the Americans for their failure to ratify, when we lag behind not only them but virtually every other signatory nation with respect to our own commitments.

Mr. Martin likes to remind people of Mr. Harper's earlier readiness to support the American-led invasion of Iraq (not that this should be counted as a fault, but never mind). But Mr. Martin was no less gung-ho at one time, in principle if not in explicit commitments. He paints Mr. Harper as too pro-American, but it was his own declared mission as a candidate for leader of his party to forge a more "mature" relationship with the Yanks, after the infantile taunts of the Chretien era. He might make hay of the Conservative leader's opposition to gay marriage, had he ever once expressed support for the idea himself -- not as something imposed upon us by the Charter, but as a positive good.

On all these issues, the Paul Martin who would be Prime Minister distanced himself from the government of which he was once a part, portraying himself as a centrist alternative to his left-leaning predecessor. That's his right -- but having jumped off that train, he cannot ride it now. Or if he wishes to credit himself with that government's achievements, he cannot avoid association with its misdeeds.

Indeed, so completely has Mr. Martin turned himself inside out that he cannot even campaign on his own record. The Paul Martin of 1997 or even 2000 might legitimately boast of his success in curbing spending. The Paul Martin of 2005, after the runaway growth in spending since then -- nearly 50% over five years, much of it unbudgeted -- cannot. As for the "democratic deficit," supposedly the raison d'etre of his premiership, the less said about that the better.

It's sad. After all his tacking about, his endless opportunism, his shameless hypocrisy, Mr. Martin cannot credibly campaign as either an old Liberal or a new one. The traditional Liberal coalition has been abandoned, without another having been assembled in its place. The party is now as hollow as the man.

National Post

(It has been proven that non subcription based news sources online are far more profitable than subscription based ones. Hopefully the National Post and the Globe will come to the same conclusion the Toronto star did.

Leadership Race Already Underway (just below the surface)

2005-12-21T13:04:00.000-07:00

Liberals getting set for run to replace Martin

Dec. 21, 2005. 01:00 AM

JAMES TRAVERS

Ottawa—Forget waiting for the people to decide. Ambitious Liberals are readying for a fast run at the leadership if Paul Martin fails to win a majority that looks out of reach.

With this campaign still in doubt, no one wants to embarrass the Prime Minister or, worse still, enrage advisers who firmly control the party and may ultimately determine Martin's successor. But many Liberals are certain the party is heading for another minority and say new leadership must be found before the next election.

Topping everyone's list of heirs-apparent is Canada's ambassador to the U.S., Frank McKenna. As a civil servant and Martin appointment, McKenna is being properly careful. Even so, the former New Brunswick premier is working his Rolodex, making frequent Canadian speeches and is widely expected to get Martin's blessing should the Prime Minister step down.

Others either organizing or keeping options open include immigration and Ontario political minister Joe Volpe, former deputy prime minister John Manley and Michael Ignatieff, the Harvard professor whose transparent leadership plans riled Martin loyalists enough to turn the fight for the Etobicoke-Lakeshore nomination into an ugly brawl. Hovering in the wings are also former Jean Chrétien ministers Martin Cauchon and Brian Tobin, as well as Maurizio Bevilacqua, one of the brightest of next-generation Liberals left out of a weak Martin cabinet.

Breaking ranks now would be suicidal for any wannabe. But in background interviews, Liberals on both sides of the divide between Martin and Chrétien said the first post-election priority must be renewal. Without that, they predict a repeat of the 1984 election when Brian Mulroney swept away tired Liberals to hold power for nine years.

"If Martin leads this party into the next election you will have a Conservative majority," says a lifetime Liberal at the centre of one of the fledgling leadership efforts. "Anyone who thinks otherwise is crazy."

Those supporting new leadership worry that the powerful clique around Martin will interpret a second minority as a victory, mistaking holding 24 Sussex Dr., the Prime Minister's official residence, as the prize.

"Martin's people decided they won the last election," says a well-connected Liberal not involved in any leadership campaign. "For Liberals, winning is not a minority."

Yet that's the most likely scenario as this campaign heads into the Christmas recess, and it makes Liberals nervous. If Martin narrowly hangs on to power, the Conservatives will be looking for a fresh challenger that an aging Prime Minister leading a party in power too long won't be able to match.

There's hope in leadership camps that Martin will reach the same conclusion. But there's an even stronger sense that those around the Prime Minister will press him to stay.

"If he goes, they go," says one Liberal now readying a leadership campaign. "You won't be able to move them out with a crowbar."

Ousting an unwilling Martin would be remarkably difficult. No faction is remotely strong enough to match the Martin forces that rebuilt the party while toppling Chrétien. Unless Liberals are defeated, or Martin accepts that his objectives of 10 years of power and sweeping change are now impossible, Liberals will plunge into a leadership fight.

According to some, the first shots have already been fired. They say what seemed like a local overreaction to the rush to find Ignatieff a safe Liberal seat was in fact an early test of leadership wills.

Instead of embracing a candidate of Ignatieff's unusual calibre, Liberals close to Martin reacted fiercely to a foolishly premature attempt by his supporters to push someone with no political experience to the front of the leadership queue. Ignatieff is expected to survive and win the riding, but with his leadership prospects and human rights reputation bruised.

Less mysterious and more upfront is the new reality facing the party that dominated federal politics for a century. Scandal and Martin's decision to run against Chrétien's record have badly damaged a Liberal brand now urgently requiring repair.

Barring a campaign upswing, Martin's attempt to rebuild the party without losing its stranglehold on power will fail in January when Liberals again fall short of a majority. The party will then have to move forward by leaving behind both the Chrétien years and Martin's 17-month minority.

That means Chrétien's former ministers and those closely associated with Martin's disappointing administration have little chance of becoming leader. That isn't lost on Manley, who's listening to supporters but not committing to another bid, and it should be obvious to Volpe, Cauchon and Tobin.

What's even more apparent is that a leadership campaign is now roiling just below this election's surface. It won't stay there much longer.

Additional articles by James Travers

Richard Gwyn gets it wrong

2005-11-16T00:26:00.000-07:00

Where else is renewal going to come from in the party? Why discount one of the best cabinet ministers in recent memory, and a great Canadian patriot. It is time for the punditocracy to actually understand how the political parties in this country work. Strong organization matter most.

Here is Richard's Article from the TorStar

Winter vote risky venture for all parties

Both Martin and Harper face the prospect of being tossed out as party leaders not too long after election

Nov. 11, 2005. 01:00 AM

RICHARD GWYN

Among pundits, the prevailing opinion about the now all but certain winter election is that it will be almost entirely pointless because its outcome will be virtually the same as what we now have.

This is quite true. And, potentially, quite untrue.

It is wholly true that we're highly likely to end up exactly where we now are, with a minority Liberal government, barring some convulsive event during the campaign itself, an event that would have to involve some party leader committing some truly spectacular goof.

A Liberal majority simply isn't in prospect.

The sponsorship scandal is already yesterday's news.

Its continuing relevance has been undermined considerably by Justice John Gomery's rather uninspired first report.

Thus, Gomery went out of his way to exonerate Prime Minister Paul Martin as if it were normal for a finance minister, and a senior Quebec minister, and the vice-president of Treasury Board (which approves all spending programs) to have had not a clue — supposedly — about a major spending program in Quebec.

Yet, while the scandal now provokes little more than a resigned shrug, there's still an edge of anger in the public's reaction.

There appears to be an underlying feeling that the Liberals simply do not deserve to be handed back their majority.

The principle beneficiaries of this distemper may be the New Democrats and the Greens.

The alternative of a Conservative victory, by even the narrowest of minorities, is an even more distant prospect.

Here, one of the paradoxes of Canadian politics comes into play.

The principal loser of this apparent Conservative weakness will be the Liberals.

This is because the Liberals always do best when they can stampede NDP and independent voters into their arms by pointing in horror to an advancing horde of Conservative "barbarians."

Even the standings of each of the parties aren't likely to change much.

The Bloc Québécois will probably pick up a few seats in Quebec, but it has to be already pretty close to its maximum.

The Liberals keep claiming they are going to make a major breakthrough in British Columbia, but it never happens. So, ho-hum. We'd all do much better to save our breath for the incessant Ho, Ho, Hos of the coming holiday season.

Not entirely. Not by quite a margin.

Our politics staying the same could mean a great deal changing in our politics.

Martin will then have twice failed to win the majority that ought to have been his, because of the weakness of the opposition and because re-election ought to be a snap for almost any government these days, given our booming economy and all the spare cash that's now available to be spent — and is most certainly going to be spent — making voters feel grateful for being handed back their own money.

Conservative leader Stephen Harper will be looking post-election at the same mirror image, but with a few more cracks in it.

He'll have twice failed to defeat a government that's been weakened severely by the sponsorship scandal.

Expect, therefore, Martin and Harper to move on within two years and for the two leadership contests to start within hours of the election results being announced.

Expect, moreover, both governing parties to search for new leaders who really are new — for some new face and voice and ideas, rather than a former Liberal cabinet minister such as John Manley or an incumbent Conservative front-bencher like Peter MacKay.

There'll be an opportunity and a felt need, in other words, to detach our politics from those of the 20th century and to bring it fully into the 21st century.

And since that's the century we're now in, that's where our politics should be.

Richard Gwyn's column appears Tuesdays and Fridays. gwynR@sympatico.ca.

Part Four Manley Profile

2005-10-27T07:59:00.000-06:00

pwells@nationalpost.com; Part four of a four-part series.

Once an earnest novice, the Finance Minister has become a Liberal party curmudgeon

The National Post concludes its series on John Manley, the Deputy Prime Minister and federal Finance Minister, in the wake of his first budget and the lead-up to his possible bid for the Liberal leadership. Today, Paul Wells traces the three distinct phases of Mr. Manley's public personality.

- - -

In one of Monty Python's finest television sketches, Terry Jones plays an amateur athlete who hopes to long-jump 26 miles across the English Channel. "Provided I get a good lift off and maybe a gust of breeze over the French coast, I shall be jumping into the centre of Calais itself," he tells an interviewer.

Of course, success is not assured. "What is the furthest distance that you've jumped so far?" he is asked.

"Oh, 11-foot-6 inches at Motspur Park on July 22nd. But I have done nearly 12 feet unofficially."

The genius of the sketch is that until Mr. Jones lands barely a yard and a half from his takeoff point, you find yourself hoping he will make it. I remembered that feeling as I read yesterday's article about John Manley's plans to become leader of the Liberal party.

He has already jumped quite far in competition: elected to Parliament four times from Ottawa South. He has gone even further unofficially -- Deputy Prime Minister, one-budget Finance Minister, media darling for several weeks after 9/11.

And provided he electrifies Liberals as they have not been electrified since the heyday of Trudeaumania, he shall be jumping right over the Strait of Paul Martin, a gulf that has already swallowed the bodies of Brian Tobin, Allan Rock and Jean Chretien.

The prudent course would be to abstain from prejudging the outcome of this enterprise. In the past, Mr. Manley has proved himself capable of exceeding expectations. But as he takes a vacation with his wife to ponder his future -- the same scenario, ominously, that put paid to the Tobin and Rock campaigns -- Mr. Manley may wonder whether his friends have miscast him as resoundingly as the Pythons miscast their long jumper.

The model for the Manley campaign is Pierre Trudeau's 1968 assault on the Liberal leadership. A romantic and an intellectual, Trudeau arrived, as most of the country saw it, from nowhere: Three years earlier, he had been a Montreal law professor whose only notable talents were for getting under the skins of Quebec nationalists and under the skirts of their daughters.

But Trudeau rose at a moment of global intellectual ferment. Students were taking to the streets in protests from Paris to Berkeley. Dashing and cavalier, Trudeau became his party's way to rebut a platoon of interchangeable leadership candidates in horn- rimmed glasses and sack suits.

The message of the times was "Tune in, turn on, drop out." The message from the Liberal establishment candidates was, "Eat your vegetables." They never knew what hit them.

Let's recap.

(a) The Trudeau lesson is that you can overcome seemingly insurmountable advantages of organization and name recognition by electrifying the nation with a magnetic personality.

(b) The guy trying to do this is John Manley.

At a moment when ambition and agenda seem so radically mismatched, it becomes difficult to take the measure of a man's public life. Yet Mr. Manley has travelled a great distance since he arrived in Ottawa South in 1988 after a lifetime in, er, southern Ottawa.

His contribution to Jean Chretien's government has outweighed that of all but a few other ministers. As Industry Minister, he sacrificed a disproportionate share of his department to the belt- tightening that eliminated the budget deficit between 1995 and 1997. He masterminded the immense investments into research and technology that have characterized almost every Liberal budget. As foreign affairs minister, he made sure Canada kept enough credibility as a security-conscious northern neighbour after 9/11 that the Americans refrained from shutting down the border.

Through it all, he evolved rapidly as a political performer. It is most accurate to describe three distinct phases in his public personality.

The first face of John Manley was that of Beaker, the helpless lab assistant from The Muppet Show. Earnest and clumsy, Beaker served as industry minister without complaint until stepping aside, without complaint, when Brian Tobin demanded his job just before the 2000 election. Unlike the Muppet Show character, Beaker Manley did important work well. If he was not a star of the early Chretien cabinet, it was partly because interviewing him was like dipping your arms into liquid nitrogen.

As a reporter for The Gazette in Montreal, I chatted with Mr. Manley several years ago at his Queen Street ministerial office suite about connectivity and broadband and licensing structures and wired classrooms. When it was over, my notebook looked like a VCR instruction manual. When he left the department, though, Canada was one of the most Internet-connected countries in the world. Whatever the hell he was talking about, it seems to have worked.

For years, Beaker offered only occasional hints of a livelier intelligence and a more active imagination. The first was when he was handed the file that nearly sunk him, the mandate to consider whether Ottawa should bail out ailing professional hockey teams. What few people remember is that Jean Chretien handed him that particular tar baby, an order Mr. Manley could not countermand, and that as he spoke to reporters about it during the closing days of 1999, he was invariably in a vile mood.

In retrospect, this showed great insight. What people also forget is that three provincial governments and a bunch of hockey-industry spokespeople were urging Mr. Manley to fork over our tax dollars to millionaire players and billionaire owners. Yet Mr. Manley knew the only thing worse than inaction would be action.

So there was something perfectly charming about the minister who withdrew his $20-million bailout plan only days after he offered it. You were never too crazy about helping hockey, were you?

He cut in: "I was never too crazy? That may be debatable."

Ottawa can be a lovely town. There are days when even the most cynical reporter feels privileged to be patrolling the halls of Parliament. But straight talk and self-deprecating humour are so rare around here they are greeted with almost absurd gratitude when they show up. With increasing frequency through 2000 and 2001, John Manley morphed into Straight-Talking Guy. You never knew what would pop out of his mouth. It was as though he had a low-grade and relatively benign form of Tourette's syndrome.

In one of his first interviews as foreign minister, he cheerfully wrote off his predecessor, a secular Liberal saint: "You may want to poll [United States] congressmen and see how many of them can tell you who Lloyd Axworthy is." In a later interview, he told me Canada would lose whatever clout it still had in the world if it stayed in the habit of preaching at the G8 and other global councils, then heading for the lavatory when the bill came due.

Mr. Manley's most memorable appearance in his Straight-Talking Guy persona came days after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Some observers, including Liberal MPs, were calling on the government to keep out of an Afghanistan invasion because it might get dangerous.

Mr. Manley had no time for the sentiment. "Canada has soldiers that are buried all over Europe because we fought in defence of liberty. And we're not about to back away from a challenge now because we think that somebody might get hurt."

He did serious policy work during that dark autumn too, but it may be fair to say that one sound bite made him Time magazine's Canadian Newsmaker of the Year for 2001.

And it may also be fair to point out, as Mr. Manley builds his leadership strategy on the hope that Paul Martin has peaked early, that Mr. Manley became Time's Newsmaker a year before Mr. Martin did.

It hasn't been all downhill since then. Mr. Manley remains an almost uniquely clear-eyed and frank presence amid the grey legions of Liberal ministers with their talking points and their fading Xeroxed personalities. He has taken on more responsibility than any half-dozen of his colleagues and managed to avoid serious error.

The rollout of his budget earlier this month was a little raggedy- assed, with most observers unable to remember even a few days later what Mr. Manley had spent his considerable revenue windfall on. But the late Martin budgets weren't classics either. Measured against the ministerial field, Mr. Manley remains a strong performer.

But the romance with Straight-Talking Guy is over, thanks largely to a further evolution of Mr. Manley's public persona.

Too often he has sabotaged whatever advantage his gift for audacity would confer.

Either he refuses to follow through or he displays an unbecoming chippiness.

More and more frequently, journalists have had to learn that the day after the latest bold declaration from Straight-Talking Guy, the Minister will appear in his guise as a grumpy old cuss to chew the scribes or his fellow Liberals out.

Uh-oh. Here comes Old Man Manley.

First, Straight-Talking Guy's on the front page of the paper saying something courageous about Canada-U.S. relations or the Prime Minister's ethics-related scandals. Then the next day, instead of basking in it, Old Man Manley comes chasing after the scribes with his garden rake.

"Hey, you pesky kids!" he shouts. "Get away from that quotation about underpaying at the G-8! What are ya trying to do, get me in trouble? Tarnation!"

Straight-Talking Guy celebrates the arrival of the Queen on Canadian soil by saying that, nice lady though she is, he hopes she's the last British royal to impose her royalty on Canadians. Then Old Man Manley trots out a few days later to take it all back.

Old Man Manley turns up at the Liberal party's internal organizational meetings, saying Liberals can't be trusted to pick a Liberal leader. "Bring in Elections Canada," Old Man Manley says. "Pesky kids! Can't leave you alone for two minutes!"

Old Man Manley doles out billions of dollars in new spending on the only budget he may ever deliver, then gives a speech two days later to complain taxes are too high. "Land o' Goshen! Who's responsible for these taxes? What do you mean, I am? Pesky kids."

These are human flaws and frailties. As I have written at Proustian length over the past nine months, Paul Martin ain't perfect either. Especially in the heat of a leadership campaign, the vagaries of press coverage and Liberal party idiosyncrasies can be hard to bear. Mr. Manley's emerging weaknesses do not cancel out his established strengths; they simply make it harder to get carried away with the guy than it used to be.

But his strategy is precisely to hope Liberals get carried away with him. If he and Paul Martin were starting from the same place, with the same CV and the same organizations, appealing to Canadians who did not know either man better than the other, I would like Mr. Manley's chances very much.

But Paul Martin has already dug a trench 26 miles wide. Mr. Manley is limbering up on the shores. Running will take a leap of faith. He must pray for that gust of breeze.

Second Part of National Post Profile

2005-10-25T10:09:00.000-06:00

Part three of a four-part series.; adawson@nationalpost.com

Draw from Copps camp: Second ballot might become coalition for 'Anyone but Martin'

OTTAWA - The campaign strategy of the John Manley team is to prevent Paul Martin, the front-runner in the race to become Prime Minister, from winning more than 45% on the first ballot of the leadership vote.

The strategy counts on building an "Anybody But Martin" coalition in order to beat him on the second ballot.

Herb Metcalfe, senior partner in the Capital Hill Group lobby firm and chairman of Mr. Manley's unofficial leadership campaign, said early forecasts indicate Mr. Manley will garner enough delegate votes, probably about 30%, to finish second. He expects Sheila Copps, the Heritage Minister, to come in third with about 25% of the votes.

"Paul's got a substantial lead and you'd be crazy not to believe that. We'll definitely come second [on the first ballot vote] and first depends on how well our campaign goes over," Mr. Metcalfe said.

"The trick in all of this is hopefully to have Paul below 45%. If you can keep him below 45% ... you then go to the second ballot."

About 5,000 delegates are expected to attend the November leadership vote in Toronto.

Delegates supporting Ms. Copps, mostly left-leaning Liberals supportive of social issues and minority rights, are unlikely to support Mr. Martin, Mr. Metcalfe says, adding they would be more comfortable moving to Mr. Manley.

"I don't want it to be 'anybody but Paul'. That's not what it's about," he said, adding the movement may well emerge anyway.

Joe Thornley, campaign strategist for Ms. Copps, was taken aback when told of the Manley strategy and said the Heritage Minister has no intention of joining forces with anyone to beat Mr. Martin.

"Sheila is running to win. When we get to the second ballot, I hope that a number of Liberals will be moving toward her," Mr. Thornley said. He added: "We are not thinking about ballot strategies at this stage. We're focused on the next four months, during which time our focus will be on recruitment of new members."

Mr. Metcalfe revealed Mr. Manley's campaign is "close to halfway" in reaching its goal of raising between $3.5-million and $4.5- million. He hopes to file Mr. Manley's nomination papers and pay the first half of the $75,000 entry fee -- which is non-refundable -- by mid-week next week, before Mr. Manley returns from his decision- making Caribbean cruise.

He admits it is risky considering no final decision will have been made by then, but he said he's fairly confident Mr. Manley will enter the race. Besides, he said, he needs all the time he can get to conduct a mass membership drive. Access to bulk membership forms is only possible once a candidate has formally entered the race.

Part three of a four-part series.; Tomorrow: Paul Wells on John Manley's enduring strengths and emerging weaknesses.; adawson@nationalpost.com
The National Post continues its series on John Manley, the Deputy Prime Minister and federal Finance Minister, in the wake of his first budget and the lead-up to his possible bid for the Liberal leadership. Today, Anne Dawson profiles the men and women who make up Mr. Manley's inner circle.

- - -
OTTAWA - Of the burgeoning number of supporters and back-room operatives lining up behind John Manley, few have inspired him more in his political career than a long-time colleague and family friend.

Tom McDougall still remembers the day almost three decades ago that he met the bespectacled young man who had finished first in his law class at the University of Ottawa. Mr. Manley had just completed the most sought-after clerking position in the country -- legal assistant to Chief Justice Bora Laskin, of the Supreme Court of Canada -- and was now angling for a position with the prestigious Ottawa law firm Perley-Robertson Hill & McDougall.

"We hired him almost immediately. To meet him is to be impressed with him," Mr. McDougall, 60, recalls.

The firm was small and tight-knit, and, within a short time, the two lawyers introduced their wives to each other. At the time, both women were pregnant -- Judith Manley with her first child, Rebecca, and Suzanne McDougall with her third, Simon. The Manleys would add two more to their clan and, before long, all six children and their parents were spending ski weekends together -- as they do still, at the McDougall chalet, north of the Ottawa River in Quebec.

Mr. McDougall, however, is quick to dismiss any suggestion he acted as a mentor to Mr. Manley. Within a couple years of being hired, he points out, Mr. Manley was made an equal partner in the firm. But he concedes he encouraged Mr. Manley in every step of his political career, believing his friend uniquely suited to public life.

"He is a completely honest and ethical person," Mr. McDougall says. "If you want a compass to approach an issue and to try to do the right thing ... nobody is more honest and straightforward than John."

It was Mr. McDougall and his wife who hosted Mr. Manley's first fundraiser, in 1988 -- a cocktail party at their New Edinburgh home - - when Mr. Manley ran for the nomination in middle-class Ottawa South. And now it is Mr. McDougall who has the task of fundraising should Mr. Manley run for the Liberal leadership.

But that's where "family" ends, and the inner circle widens. In the past few years, Mr. Manley has assembled a group of volunteers who have been acting under the umbrella of "Friends of John Manley." Spearheading the unofficial campaign is Herb Metcalfe, founder of Capital Hill Group, the largest public-relations and lobby firm in the country.

Another supporter is Doug Kirkpatrick. A long-time Liberal politico with his own consulting firm, Heydon Strategies, and an affiliation with the high-powered Sussex Group, another Ottawa consulting firm, Mr. Kirkpatrick has spent 20 years shuttling back and forth between Queen's Park and Parliament Hill on behalf of successive Liberal regimes, including those of John Turner and David Peterson.

Alfred Apps, a Bay Street corporate lawyer who is organizing in Toronto on Mr. Manley's behalf, met Mr. Manley only 18 months ago. He says he is promoting the 53-year-old leadership aspirant because it is time for a "new generation" of Liberals -- an obvious slight to the 64-year-old front-runner in this race, Paul Martin, the former finance minister.

Also on board are Marie Poulin, a Liberal Senator from Sudbury, and Susan Smith, a public-relations executive with Thornley Fallis, an Ottawa media firm, both slated to do communications for the Manley team.

Noticeably absent from the inner circle, at least for now, are Tony Macerollo, Mr. Manley's executive assistant, who after 14 years of working with him is a close friend, and Jennifer Sloan, Mr. Manley's former director of communications, and one of his fiercest defenders.

The latter left the job that saw her at Mr. Manley's side almost daily for five years, from his meteoric rise from Industry Minister to Deputy Prime Minister, to take up another position with Susan Whelan, Minister of the Canadian International Development Agency. Insiders say she is still involved, but in a minor role, at least for the time being.

To date, only three MPs have publicly declared their support for Mr. Manley: Peter Adams, Bob Wood and Alex Shepherd, all from Ontario. Martin Cauchon, the Justice Minister, and Jane Stewart, the Minister of Human Resources, are hopefuls, but not yet decided. Manley officials say they expect to win the backing of 15 MPs out of the 170-member Liberal caucus; this compared to 115 for Mr. Martin.

There are two common themes shared by the Manley campaign team. The first is they are not supporters of Mr. Martin, the overwhelming favourite. The second is they all believe it is time for a "generational shift" in the Liberal party. But essentially that theme is just an extension of the first: John Manley should be leader because he is not Paul Martin.

Despite Mr. Manley's insistence he is not running against Mr. Martin, his campaign strategy suggests otherwise. It is focused on the 103 Ontario Liberal seats, most of which are already committed to Mr. Martin. Ontario is the battleground, and that explains why the top four men running the Manley campaign are Ontario experts.

Mr. Martin, backed by one of Ottawa's most powerful lobbyist/ consulting firms, the Earnscliffe Strategy Group, has been working on his leadership campaign for more than a decade. In that time, he has put together an impressive national organization that has already crushed both Brian Tobin, the former industry minister, and his successor, Allan Rock, who was considered to have had the best leadership organization after Mr. Martin's.

So why would long-time political veterans take such a long-shot risk on an unlikely giant-killer? One senior Liberal insider, who is not working for any campaign, says it is a clear case of opportunity knocking.

"It's been 12 years since the last federal leadership contest. They don't come along very often, and if you do government business in this town, you have no choice but to be a player in this leadership race," the insider says. "Everybody thinks that Martin is going to win and win big. So it's a great opportunity. If you ever pull it off, if you win, if you ever beat expectations, you're a genius. Your stock goes up in this trade."

The insider, who travels in elite Liberal circles, points to another powerful attraction -- money. "Behind Martin is Earnscliffe. They compete for the same clients that Herb Metcalfe competes for out of Capital Hill Group. And who competes with him? Doug Kirkpatrick -- out of Sussex Group. They all compete for the same clients, and they all compete on the basis of who's got the best political judgment and the best contacts to measure."

Mr. Kirkpatrick is second-in-command of the whole Manley organization and makes no bones about his decision to work for Mr. Manley. He considered working for the Martin team, but realized he would not be part of the inner circle. "Part of the attraction to John's campaign was there was more to do," he says.

Mr. Metcalfe, 52, had known Mr. Manley casually for years, but said it was not until 1999, when the then industry minister "cold- called" him for a game of golf that they began a professional relationship. Mr. Metcalfe advised Mr. Manley to "test the waters" to see if there was an appetite for another candidate in the race. That is when Mr. Manley took Mr. McDougall up on his offer to run the fundraising portion of the campaign.

Mr. Manley's political opponents and many in the media have dismissed him as a viable contender because there are few signs of a legitimate organization in place. Mr. Manley's organization has consisted, until recently, of only the assurances of his supporters. It was more of a virtual team than a real one.

But this week, the virtual appears to be turning kinetic. A campaign office opened in Toronto, with two more slated for Ottawa and Montreal. Campaign workers hold weekly teleconference calls on Monday nights, while Toronto-based volunteers meet on Sundays at a restaurant in the Greek district. And this weekend, in Toronto, Mr. Manley will address 1,000 volunteers at a "campaign college" designed to teach them how to be riding captains, delegates and canvassers.

Even Mrs. Manley has stepped into the limelight in recent weeks, posing with her husband skating the Rideau Canal, and, two weeks ago, flying to Toronto to thank volunteers.

Mr. Manley's officials say they expect Mrs. Manley will hit the campaign trail with her husband if he decides to run. That decision is expected some time after the second week of March, when the couple slip off on a Caribbean cruise to celebrate their 30th wedding anniversary.

So far, publicity generated by the Manley campaign has been minimal, and what there has been has not been particularly favourable. Last month, Mr. Manley scrambled to explain why his team was exploiting his public office by using the cross-country budget consultations as a platform to raise leadership funds. Last year, he was forced to distance himself from a fundraising letter, written by an overzealous "Friend of John Manley," suggesting businesses could write off campaign donations as a corporate expense.

Although Mr. Manley has categorically denied it, campaign officials have openly conceded he hopes to use the budget as a springboard for his campaign. What he hears from Canadians in the next two weeks as he conducts a post-budget tour is likely to affect his final decision.

National Post all about Manley

2005-10-24T00:36:00.000-06:00

Lifted from the post 2003

OTTAWA - As a former tax lawyer, head of the Ottawa Board of Trade and a strong advocate of moving the Liberal party from profligacy to prudence, John Manley has long been viewed as a right- wing, business-oriented Liberal, often at odds with his colleagues on economic and political issues.

As holder of such senior portfolios as Finance, Foreign Affairs and Industry, he has focused on systems, rules and outcomes that have often pushed the party in a direction it was reluctant to go.

"It's interesting that John Manley thinks in terms of policy while Paul Martin, almost instinctually, thinks in terms of how policy impacts on people," one party insider says. "It makes a difference, in the sense that Martin is more political and less definitive than Manley [on issues]."

But some supporters believe the full mettle of Mr. Manley has yet to be seen, and the race for the Liberal leadership, should he decide to run, will bring out dimensions that have so far been submerged.

"This is a guy with an intense social conscience -- that's why he is in the Liberal party and not the Reform party," says Bill Milliken, a former political aide to Mr. Manley and now a consultant with Temple Scott Associates Inc.

Tony Macerollo, Mr. Manley's long-serving executive assistant, recalls that when he first joined Mr. Manley in 1989, the initial project he worked on was a hunger-awareness program in Mr. Manley's Ottawa riding.

"He's very much a mainstream Liberal," Mr. Macerollo says, but one guided in equal parts by strong Christian values and recognition of the need for prudent fiscal management.

"A fiscally responsible approach is one that places us safely on the balanced-budget side, but at the same time says we don't exist as a government to just tally the books," Mr. Macerollo says.
The recent federal budget -- Mr. Manley's first as Finance Minister -- is a clear demonstration of this social dimension, Mr. Macerollo says, with its funding for health care, poor families and other initiatives.

This leaning was evident from the start. When the Liberals were in opposition in the 1980s, Mr. Manley often seemed uncomfortable with the stances taken by colleagues on such issues as deficit reduction and trade policy with the United States.

But, with the prospect of power in 1993, Mr. Manley -- often in alliance with leadership rival Mr. Martin -- pushed the Liberal party to take a more traditionally conservative view on economic and business issues.

"He was a major influence in the preparation of the economic- policy sections that went into the original Red Book [the Liberal Party's 1993 election platform]," Mr. Milliken says.

Appointed Industry Minister by Jean Chretien, the Prime Minister, Mr. Manley went to work to turn his ideas and convictions into policy. Immediately he was confronted by the amalgamation into his portfolio of several separate departments, among them Tourism, Consumer and Corporate Affairs and Science and Technology. As the Liberals embarked on eliminating the deficit, Industry lost nearly 50% of its budget.

"It was a department with conflicting corporate cultures because of the amalgamations," Mr. Milliken says. "It lost half its budget and over one-third of the employees were let go as part of downsizing."

Despite these challenges, Mr. Manley set about making profound policy changes.

"It was a fundamental shift away from the Department of Industry being the department of grants and contributions [to business] and regional economic development into a department that provided strategic intelligence, better, more streamlined regulations and getting business-framework legislation to work faster and better," Mr. Milliken says.

With Mr. Martin guiding fiscal policy, Mr. Manley concentrated on upgrading Canada's economic performance to become a more innovative economy. The strategy rested on creating knowledge, bringing it quickly to market, having skilled and trained people to implement it and rules and regulations that promoted rather than impeded business.

Some critics, however, believe Mr. Manley still represents a core Liberal impulse to control and direct the economy.

"I think he comes to government from a pro-business point of view and is a believer in wealth creation," says Walter Robinson, executive director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, which opposes corporate financial support. "But that being said, he sees government's role very much as an enabler, a partner, which shows up in support for Technology Partnerships [a program of industrial assistance] for the aerospace sector and for the pharmaceutical industry."
Financial support for big, successful industries such as aerospace is a bad use of taxpayers' money, Mr. Robinson says. But he concedes Mr. Manley has pushed issues such as productivity, the brain drain and matching the economic performance of the United States, even when his party did not want to deal with those subjects.

"Mr. Manley has usually been on the right side of tax policy, of having a more competitive personal and business tax environment.... If he can translate some of those issues into a leadership platform, he may have an audience," Mr. Robinson says.

But Mr. Manley has also shown himself as the kind of politician who can advocate taxpayers' dollars for professional hockey teams. His proposed scheme to help stabilize Canadian teams by protecting them against fluctuations in the dollar caused an intense public backlash.

"It was not his own proposal. He was pushed to do that ... by the PMO [Prime Minister's Office].... He was told to make a deal," Mr. Milliken says. "Alberta, Ontario, British Columbia and Quebec all agreed it was a good idea. The day he announced it and the ... hit the fan, they all hung him out to dry and he was left to take all the pies and tomatoes that were being thrown at him," Mr. Milliken says.

One of the policies of which Mr. Manley is most proud, Mr. Macerollo says, is getting the government to link Canadians together through Internet connections at every school and library in Canada.

Another key policy has been to promote university-based research and development -- a cornerstone in Mr. Manley's vision of Canada as a so-called Northern Tiger. The creation of special university chairs, a boost in grants and funding and support for building world- class laboratories will transform Canada into a knowledge-based economy, Mr. Manley believes -- though he admits the payoff for these investments will take time to realize.

"These are not short-term political kinds of things. They are long-term," he said in a recent interview on the budget. "We've been consistently at it since 1996, year after year ... building infrastructure, building on the research chairs, which give us a big boost in trying to attract talent."

The strategy is already bearing fruit, he says. Canada has posted the fastest economic growth among the G7 industrial countries, with improvement in private-sector R&D spending and a boost in the number of workers devoted to research.

Mr. Manley has also advocated an expanded role for small business and entrepreneurs in the Canadian economy, arguing Canada relies too much on a handful of large enterprises for its export trade. As industry minister, Mr. Manley provided small business with improved financial assistance, market information and regulatory measures that helped spur growth in the sector, says Garth Whyte, senior policy advisor with the Canadian Federation of Independent Business.

His approach to these issues, particularly the nature of the relationship between Canada and the United States, has carried over to his other portfolios. Nowhere is this more in evidence than in his handling of border and security issues after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.
"John Manley deserves a lot of credit. He's been the point man on that whole file," Mr. Whyte says. "Quietly, things have been getting done on customs, at the border, and Mr. Manley deserves a lot of credit in that area."

Nancy Hughes Anthony, president of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, says business is thankful that among the Liberal Cabinet, Mr. Manley is a strong advocate of a comprehensive and strategic relationship with the United States at a time when the nations' ties have been under strain. Mr. Manley has criticized colleagues and Canadians for an unjustified, knee-jerk form of anti-American sentiment.

"He's been very proactive in trying to advise his Cabinet colleagues of the importance of the relationship, and when your biggest trading partner is down, you don't kick sand in their face. And that doesn't mean giving up on your sovereignty," Ms. Hughes Anthony says. "Some of the other members of the caucus I don't think understand the economic realities the way he does."
Mr. Manley's willingness to play up Canada-U.S. relations before a reluctant Liberal party is extremely important, Ms. Hughes Anthony says.

"I think that some people, after Sept. 11, think that with the 30- point border plan [a joint Canada-U.S. agreement on managing the border], that's all there is. In my view, [the border plan] is only the beginning, and we need somebody who is going to continuously work on that relationship and on the bigger issues [such as defence and trade]."

The nature of that relationship is part of Mr. Manley's larger sense of Canada as a mature, confident country on the international stage, Mr. Macerollo says.

"I think he would say that managing the Canada-U.S. relationship is about managing your sovereignty ... and part of that is you have to pay attention to not only your neighbour, but your largest trading partner, and it's not something you take for granted."

Canadian sovereignty is also one of the reasons Mr. Manley wants to replace the British monarch as Canada's head of state. His comments on the monarchy during the Queen's visit last summer raised a lot of ire. But cutting the apron strings is something Mr. Manley believes Canada must do as part of its evolution as a nation.

"He views Canada as a country moving from a position of strength and a country that is grown up," Mr. Macerollo says. "He certainly means no disrespect to the Queen and holds her in high regard."

Part two of a four-part series.; Tomorrow: Anne Dawson unveils the brain trust behind John Manley's campaign to wrest the Liberal leadership away from front-runner Paul Martin.; ; Profile of John Manley.
The National Post continues its series on John Manley, the Deputy Prime Minister and federal Finance Minister, in the wake of his first budget and the lead-up to his possible bid for the Liberal leadership. Today, Alan Toulin looks at Mr. Manley's approach to policy, and his determination to combine fiscal prudence with a social conscience.
- - -

If anyone can find part one of this series, please leave a comment

John Manley Visits Vic One

2005-10-13T08:13:00.000-06:00

John Manley recently visited U of T's prestigious Vic One (Victoria College One - an elite first year social science undergraduate group) raising support and his profile among young professionals. Here are some pictures:

Manley visits Vic One

*photos from Victoria College

John Manley Supports Harder Line Trade Policy

2005-10-12T13:04:00.000-06:00

John Manley, in support of the trade moves of the current government, asserting Canada's place in the world. Our true northern tiger status must be the guiding vision of our foreign policy.

Being the new Phoenicians, we[Canada] must protect our trade interests as much as possible; using whichever leverage we have, against our large trading partners.

As quoted in the Globe and Mail:

"I think we needed to get the attention of the U.S. government at the highest levels, to the degree of frustration that exists in Canada about this," Mr. Manley said, "and that many of us who believe that improved relations are important, can't stand by and say this doesn't matter, because it does."

John Manley, who headed the Canada-U.S. file during his time as deputy prime minister in Jean Chrétien's government, strongly supports the Prime Minister's New York foray.

Our foreign policy must come out of the woodwork, into a coherent policy implemented in a systematic way. Only John Manley can bring that sort of focus to our government.

Even Canadian Wild editor Dave endorses John Manley

2005-10-11T07:50:00.000-06:00

by Dave originally posted at http://www.canadianwild.ca/pm.htm

John Manley For PM
For the Canada That The World Needs

"In my vision of 21st century Canada - which I summarize as: Intelligent, Innovative, Inclusive and International - Canada reaches out to the world. We exercise influence. We punch above our weight class."

1. Improved Canada-US Trade Relations

To put it simply a John Manley government would heal relations with the US. He has formed a strong personal relationship with Tom Ridge and Colin Powell. He will heal relations with the US by clearly stating our beliefs not the Alliance way of allowing the US to drag us around by a leash. Also his statesman skills have been used to criticize the US and get us what we want.

2. Stronger Multilateral Presence

Unlike Paul Martin Jr, John Manley wants to continue in the multilateral tradition established by Lester Pearson and Paul Martin Sr. Manley disagrees with Martin's proposal to try to form international ad-hoc councils outside the UN with limited membership. John Manley wants to use the UN as the primary international diplomatic vehicle.

3. Lower University Tuition

John Manley has made lower university tuition one of his key platforms. He believes that we should not limit our growth potential and make university more accessible.

4. Improved Municipalities

Like Martin, Manley realizes that cities are in dire straits. He doesn't want to ignore cities and wants them to help them become greater centers for economic prosperity and human development.

5. Public Accountability

Unlike Martin, John Manley doesn't own a steamship line. Manley believes that Canadians should know who is donating to his election campaign and doesn't believe in secrecy. Also Manley continues to serve as a cabinet minister, and didn't quit his job because the title of finance minister wasn't good enough for him.

6. Able To Lead in an Emergency

Without a doubt John Manley performed better than any other Canadian cabinet minister after 9/11. He said the right things, did the right things, and Canadians were able to return to normality very quickly. He was rewarded for his superior performance with the new title as deputy prime minister of Canada.

7. A Leader Who Will Say the Right Thing

A key reason for his outstanding 9/11 performance is his ability to say the right things at the right thing. Following the catastrophe he addressed parliament by stating that 9/11 was not a random act but a well orchestrated attack that needs multilateral measures to fight this new horror.

8. Eliminate Traffic Gridlocks

Part of his emphasis on municipalities is more funding for transportation. With new funding traffic times will be cut as roads and public service will be improved.

9. Reduce CO2 Emissions

As a member of parliament that voted for the Kyoto accord John Manley views global warming as a serious problem. He wishes to reduce CO2 emissions by targeting fuel emissions and doesn't want to put all the weight on industry.

10. Strong Leadership

Most of all Canadians need a strong leader to lead us into the 21st century. Not a leader that is running to put his name in the history textbook and will retire in three years. John Manley is running for a purpose not for his ego.

John Manley should be Canadian's choice for the next PM

2005-10-10T09:26:00.000-06:00

Finance Minister John Manley in the House of Commons in October 2003. (CP/Fred Chartrand)

Deputy Prime Minister John Manley, on Friday March 21st 2003 said the images of bombs striking Iraq were 'chilling' and urged Washington to help rebuild the country properly to avoid a backlash.
~Another prediction from Manley that was TRUE! If only we had made him leader then, maybe Bush would have listened to him.

John Manley thinking:'Why I am not Prime Minister, I feel so out of place here'

MEDT Minister Joseph Cordiano with John Manley former Canadian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance and Virginia Bauer, New Jersey Commerce Secretary at the Canada Day in New Jersey celebrations. (they were also signing a Memorandum of Understanding, hardle valid work for one of Canada's great visionairies)

Hon. John manley — Heir to the Throne?

First elected to Parliament in 1988, representing Ottawa South, Deputy Prime Minister John Manley is a lawyer, bilingual technocrat and politician who has become the CEO of the country under Board Chairman Jean Chrétien. Manley runs 10 k marathons, likes hi-tech gadgets and is known as a center-right Liberal in the Pearsonian tradition. He has a self-deprecating sense of humour and a straightforward manner. Manley enjoyed a golden year. He is well-liked and has gone from being the also ran candidate for the Liberal leadership to the dark horse racer. He will have a lot of the Chrétien people with him. Manley is a strong second choice for many of the Paul Martin’s people (if they could get over only winning 90% of the leadership vote). So you do the math. It’s very possible that Manley could be the next Prime Minister. Did we mention that Manley was TIME Canada’s Man of the Year (2001)?

Manley begins building for leadership run

2005-10-09T21:02:00.000-06:00

John Manley has begun testing the waters for a new leadership run.

In finding them a bit brackish Manley said, "When you make a decision
as a minister, all kinds of forces line up to make it happen, whereas
now when I make a decision in my new life I have to actually implement
it.". Which is true, leading him to call up his old organizational
partners of Andrew Kania, the Ontario co-chair of his 2003 leadership
campaign.

On Saturday the 17th of September, Mr. Manley, the former deputy prime
minister, attended a barbecue for about 300 people at the home of the
Brampton lawyer who was the the Ontario co-chair of his 2003
leadership campaign.

Mr. Kania said that most guests were from Ontario, but some flew in
from across the country. Mr. Manley gave a speech that left many
believing he plans to seek the leadership, he suggested.

"John Manley did not commit to running, but it is anticipated by all
that he will be a candidate next time," Mr. Kania said. "We're not
organizing to defeat Martin. We're going to help him in the next
election.

"Most people are realistic. Most people anticipate there will be a
minority government next time. If there's a minority government, most
senior Liberals that I speak with agree that Martin has to go fast."

Mr. Manley has indicated that he could seek the leadership next time,
with many urging a more active campaign on his part.

Mentioned as recently as October 2nd in the Toronto star as the only
serious contender to Frank McKenna (who is conveniently out of the
country - and unable to organize); Manley is seen to need to only
begin organizing to draw the vast numbers of individuals needed for a
leadership race under the new Canada Elections Act.

John Manley for Leader

Who is the mysterious most centrist person running for leadership?

Manley tests waters?

Manley Update!

Manley on the Anti Terrorism Act

Manley on NATO

John Manley on Israel

Former deputy PM Manley: 'People had trouble understanding what the Liberal Party stood for'

Why I endorse Gerard Kennedy

Canadians should take pride in a strong currency - John Manley

A northern tiger doesn't hide behind a low dollar

John Manley addresses AIA conference

Manley foresees opening of telecom industry

Condolences to a fellow blog

Martin Cauchon for PM

John Manley Encouraged to re-enter race

Vietnam thinks Manley was Prime Minister, why don't we?

John Manley Signs Letter Dissing Parts Of Gomery

Mr. John Manley to visit Ho Chi Minh City and speak at CanCham

Manley to address the Automotive Conference for Executives

John Manley in Vietnam for Terry Fox Event

Terry Fox Run 2005 in Ho Chi Minh City

Terry Fox Run 2005 in Hanoi - Thank you Reception

Manley hobnob's at Nation Arts Centre Gala

All there in black and white

NAC soiree raises record $345,000

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history"

New Canadian Diplomatic Mag laments Grits in Oppo

Being In Opposition Has Little Appeal For Liberals

Embassy, February 8th, 2006By Richard Gwyn

Six Years before power says Hill Times

The Hill Times, February 6th, 2006NEWS STORYBy Kate Malloy and F. Abbas Rana

Martin will try to shed Liberal Party's massive debt: Liberals

Liberals have to dramatically change leadership rules, fundraising tactics and must attract a solid leader. But it could be another six years before they're back in power.

Possible contenders for the Liberal leadership (according to CTV

Manley to Harper: Repair Canada-U.S. relations

Why do Politicians leave Politics?

People start to Evaluate Runs

$2 million buys a ticket to the Liberal dance

Manley Organization Prepared to be Kingmakers?

Travers seeks a few good men, and women

A healing prescription for Liberals

Sigh...

Edinburgh University's Centre of Canadian Studies Analysis? Who knew!

Colleen Beaumier M.P. - Manley Supporter '02, will she come again?

Leadership: Day 1 &1/2 - News Roundup

Leadership hopefuls emerging

Leadership: Day 1

John Manley Deals With Post Secondary

Manley continues to engage media

Blog Mentioned in Paper Column!

Manley Speaks of current election

Proof

Liberal leadership could lose its allure

Without Martin, economy is still strong

Anglo News Talk in Montreal Assumes New Leadership race

"The party is going into the repair shop for a while ... to get a new leader"

Our favorite Minister goes to Nasa!

White House Meeting

Landmine Awareness!

Martin may hang onto Liberal leadership even if he loses election

Some Liberals brace for the worst

Even on the third, the Globe knew what was coming...

The Perfect anti Martinite storm is gathering

Manley campaigns for Torsney, won't rule out leadership bid

Even the CBC Wants Manley!

The party that lost its way by Andrew Coyne, National Post

Leadership Race Already Underway (just below the surface)

Richard Gwyn gets it wrong

Part Four Manley Profile

Second Part of National Post Profile

National Post all about Manley

John Manley Visits Vic One

Manley visits Vic One

John Manley Supports Harder Line Trade Policy

Even Canadian Wild editor Dave endorses John Manley

John Manley For PMFor the Canada That The World Needs

John Manley should be Canadian's choice for the next PM

Manley begins building for leadership run

Embassy, February 8th, 2006
By Richard Gwyn

The Hill Times, February 6th, 2006
NEWS STORY
By Kate Malloy and F. Abbas Rana

John Manley For PM
For the Canada That The World Needs