Tuesday, February 21, 2006

Manley hobnob's at Nation Arts Centre Gala

February 21, 2006

All there in black and white



NAC soiree raises record $345,000


By CAROLINE PHILLIPS, OTTAWA SUN



Sonya Singh of A-Channel is joined by friends Saad Al-Hakkak and Joanne Woo at her farewell party Friday at the Velvet Room. Singh is to start her new job March 6 with Global TV. (Caroline Phillips SUN)

It was music that enriched the soul at the 9th Annual Black & White Opera Soiree and, in return, the National Arts Centre Orchestra and Opera Lyra Ottawa were left enriched themselves to the tune of $345,000 -- the largest amount in the history of the benefit fundraising concert.

The near sold-out crowd of 2,000-plus at the NAC sat enraptured through the performances of soprano Adrianne Pieczonka, baritone Russell Braun, the NAC Orchestra with conductor Richard Bradshaw and the Opera Lyra Ottawa Chorus with chorus master Laurence Ewashko.

The concert was hosted by actor Colm Feore, who, following Braun's well-received performance from The Barber of Seville joked: "Whether it's performed by Russell Braun or Bugs Bunny, it's just always good." (Feore was referring to the rascally rabbit's classic 1950 parody).

The Black and White Opera Soiree was chaired by Lawson Hunter, also executive vice-president of Bell, the main sponsor. He greeted guests upon their arrival to the $275-per-ticket gala, as did NAC president and CEO Peter Herrndorf; Opera Lyra general director Elizabeth Howarth and chair Russell Mills; NAC Foundation CEO Darrell Louise Gregersen; and Dr. David Leighton, chair of the NAC board of trustees.

Mingling in the glamorous crowd during dinner and throughout the night were ambassadors, business leaders and politicians, including Ottawa businessman and philanthropist Michael Potter with wife Veronique Dhieux, former deputy prime minister and finance minister John Manley, Speaker of the House of Commons Peter Milliken and Mayor Bob Chiarelli. Also on hand was Health Promotion Minister Jim Watson and Cyndi Edwards, who has scored a new job starting March 6 co-hosting a show for an NBC affiliate in Tampa, Fla.

Sunday, February 12, 2006

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history"

At a reunion late last week of current and former Liberal parliamentary aides, Liberals could barely contain their glee over the chaos in Tory ranks.

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history," chortled former deputy prime minister John Manley in brief remarks to the assembled aides.

"David Emerson really is a great Liberal. In one move, he united the Liberals and divided the Tories."

Manley joked that "every once in a while we have to let the Tories take over so that Canadians remember just how good a Liberal government is."

Manley is one of four high-profile potential contenders who've declined to join the race to replace Paul Martin, who announced his intention to resign as leader immediately after leading the Liberals to defeat in the Jan. 23 election. Manley told The Canadian Press he has not changed his mind, despite the Liberals' suddenly brighter prospects.







Liberals 'energized' by Harper missteps
Feb. 12, 2006. 06:08 PM
JOAN BRYDEN
CANADIAN PRESS

OTTAWA — Liberals are dreaming about a speedy return to power after watching the disastrous opening week of Stephen Harper's new Conservative administration.

Only three weeks after suffering a humiliating defeat, Liberals are musing openly about whether Harper's shaky minority government can survive the year.

And Liberal officials are being urged to hasten the selection of a new leader so that the party can be ready as soon as possible for an election.

"We are, I would say, reinvigorated and energized," interim Liberal leader Bill Graham said in an interview at the end of Harper's controversy-plagued inaugural week.

He said the opening week has stiffened Liberals' resolve to oppose the Conservative agenda, even if it means toppling the government.

"We're going to oppose those measures that we find are not in the interests of Canada and Canadians and we'll oppose them all the way," Graham said.

"And if that leads to the government falling, it's going to lead to the government falling. And the way they're making their decisions it's clear that could happen earlier rather than later just given the nature of what they're doing."

Harper plunged his fledgling regime into turmoil with some unusual choices for his cabinet which cast doubt on his election pledge to run a more accountable, ethical administration.

In particular, he stunned and infuriated his own caucus by appointing Liberal turncoat David Emerson to the international trade portfolio and party organizer Michael Fortier to the Senate and the sensitive Public Works portfolio.

Other cabinet choices raised ethical concerns, such as the appointment of erstwhile defence lobbyist Gordon O'Connor

to the Defence portfolio.

All last week, disappointed Tory MPs voiced muted disapproval while disgusted Conservative bloggers across the country railed against the cabinet choices, particularly the perceived hypocrisy and opportunism of Emerson's defection only days after winning re-election as a Liberal.

"The fact that (Harper) has had such a terrible week, obviously encourages Liberals," said party president Mike Eizenga.

While he acknowledged there are always "ups and downs in politics" and the Tories could recover, Eizenga said Harper has demonstrated that he "can't be trusted" to deliver on his promises, a charge that will "stick with him" into the next election.

At a reunion late last week of current and former Liberal parliamentary aides, Liberals could barely contain their glee over the chaos in Tory ranks.

"That's the shortest honeymoon of any government in Canadian history," chortled former deputy prime minister John Manley in brief remarks to the assembled aides.

"David Emerson really is a great Liberal. In one move, he united the Liberals and divided the Tories."

Manley joked that "every once in a while we have to let the Tories take over so that Canadians remember just how good a Liberal government is."

Manley is one of four high-profile potential contenders who've declined to join the race to replace Paul Martin, who announced his intention to resign as leader immediately after leading the Liberals to defeat in the Jan. 23 election. Manley told The Canadian Press he has not changed his mind, despite the Liberals' suddenly brighter prospects.

The Liberal national executive is to meet in mid-March to set a date for the leadership convention, which could be held as early as November or as late as March, 2007. With the Tories stumbling so badly out of the gate, the party brass is under pressure to name the earliest date.

"You can certainly say there are those who are urging us to act with as much haste as possible," said national director Steven MacKinnon, adding that "certainly there are more people saying that this week than last week."
{end CP}

Wednesday, February 08, 2006

New Canadian Diplomatic Mag laments Grits in Oppo

Being In Opposition Has Little Appeal For Liberals

In saying that they weren't going to contest the Liberal leadership, the party's three 'tier-one' candidates --Frank McKenna, John Manley and Brian Tobin --said all the things that such occasions require.

The job was of immense importance. The chance to serve the public was well nigh irresistible. They would remain loyal Liberals.

Okay, okay, we all know all that.

It's what none of them said that was really interesting.

None said that Stephen Harper was a big factor in their decision. And none said that Edward Blake was an even bigger factor.

Harper, of course, needs no introduction. He's been prime minister since Monday. As is even more relevant to the decisions McKenna and Manley and Tobin have just made, Harper may very well be prime minister for at least the next six years.

Absent some bad breaks -- such as an economic recession, which has to happen some time -- it's quite possible Harper will win two more elections.

Edward Blake may need some introducing to readers who skipped Canadian history in high school. Among all Liberal party leaders since Confederation, Blake is the odd man out.

Not in himself. He was a super-brainy lawyer and a progressive thinker, if handicapped (curious how history repeats itself) by having great difficulty in relating to people. Blake led the Liberals from 1880 to 1887 before handing over to Wilfrid Laurier.

What made Blake one of a kind was that among all Liberal leaders in the last 140 years, he alone never became prime minister.

The likelihood of becoming the 21st century equivalent of Blake -- a fate endured routinely by Liberal opponents from Robert Stanfield to Preston Manning -- had to have influenced the decisions by McKenna and Manley and Tobin.

Objectively, it's very hard to see how the Liberals can win a quick rebound election, no matter who leads them.

For one thing, the Liberals have just lost their calling card. Conservative gains in Quebec mean that the Liberals are no longer Canada's only truly national party.

The Liberals are now merely another federalist alternative rather than the only credible alternative. Moreover, so-called 'soft nationalists' in Quebec are bound to find appealing the major devolution to the provinces of Ottawa cash and powers that Harper plans.

For another thing, while Harper talks constantly about his 'five priorities,' such as accountability and tax cuts, he in fact has a sixth priority.

This unstated priority -- call it Harper's hidden agenda -- is to win a majority in an election in two years or so.

That's why he picked a quarrel with U.S. Ambassador David Wilkins over the issue of Arctic sovereignty, even though the ambassador said nothing that was new and lots of other countries dispute our Arctic sovereignty claims. Also, hollowing-out Ottawa will please the West as well as Quebec.

Cool political calculations like these will almost certainly leave the next Liberal leader looking at a minimum of six years' hard labour.

This is too demanding a task for most potential Liberal leaders, most of whose predecessors --from Pierre Trudeau to John Turner to Paul Martin-- bounded straight into the prime minister's office when they took over the leadership.

Among potential candidates, just one has experience of battling in the trenches as all Conservative leaders have undergone as a trial by ordeal, often without any reward at all.

He's Bob Rae. For eight years, 1982-1990, he slogged away as opposition leader. Then, by some magical alchemy, he won an election that everyone -- Rae himself included -- assumed he was going to get trounced in.

It's a detail that this was in Ontario and for the New Democratic Party.

To accept a future of which its probable upper limits are those of merely being opposition leader takes toughness and resilience.

Harper possesses these qualities. Rae shares them. As a last asset, he studied history and so knows who Blake was.

Embassy, February 8th, 2006
By Richard Gwyn

Tuesday, February 07, 2006

Six Years before power says Hill Times

The Hill Times, February 6th, 2006
NEWS STORY
By Kate Malloy and F. Abbas Rana

Martin will try to shed Liberal Party's massive debt: Liberals

Liberals have to dramatically change leadership rules, fundraising tactics and must attract a solid leader. But it could be another six years before they're back in power.

Liberal Party Leader Paul Martin will try to shed the party of its multi-million-dollar debt before a new party leader is chosen next year, say Liberals who are soul-searching these days now that they're out of national political power after nearly 13 years in office.

"It is Paul Martin's intention to hand over the party to the next leader debt free," Marc Roy, former associate director of communications to Mr. Martin, told The Hill Times last week.

Mr. Roy declined to give specifics, but said Mr. Martin "will work very hard between now and the leadership convention to deliver a party that is debt free to the next leader."

The speculation is that the Liberals have a debt of $12-million to $30-million.

But Steven MacKinnon, national director of the Liberal Party, said on Friday that the party's debt is between $4-million and $5-million.

The Liberal National Executive is scheduled to meet on March 18 to set the details of the next leadership convention, but it will likely take place in the spring of 2007.

Meanwhile, the Liberal Party will have to change its leadership rules, dramatically change the way it fundraises, stop idol worship of political leadership and do this all in one or two years, say Liberals, who last week met in Ottawa for a national caucus meeting for the first time after losing the election to the Conservatives.

Mr. Martin (LaSalle-Émard, Que.) announced he would stay on as party leader until a new leader is elected, but named former defence minister Bill Graham (Toronto Centre, Ont.) as the party's opposition leader in the House.

Mr. Martin's move to stay on as party leader is seen as a protective measure in case the government is defeated, but Mr. Martin has divested himself of all authority from the party.

Mr. Graham, who was named because he made it clear that he won't run for the leadership, is also politically experienced and fluently bilingual.

Other Liberals last week said they expected Mr. Martin to help get the party back in financial shape.

"Martin is going to get his ass in gear and attempt to deal with the debt that his group left behind. I would think that's a reasonable expectation," said one top Liberal.

Another Liberal said the Grits are faced with a "real challenge" because they have to be ready for an election, but also need time--one year or preferably two years--to set the party policies, to set its vision and to fix the internal structures in order to put into place a leadership process and convention that is fair and open, as opposed to the Martin coronation. When that happens, the Liberal said, more candidates will come.

Meanwhile, Liberals are talking about a number of possible political scenarios.

They say if Prime Minister Stephen Harper (Calgary Southwest, Alta.) is able to govern and not feed the fears that have been used against him, his position will likely strengthen and he will have a better chance of winning a minority or majority next time than the Liberals.

In this light, most Liberal Party stalwarts are unwilling to make a long-term commitment to run for the party's leadership.

But there are some brave souls.

Two-term Ottawa Liberal MP David McGuinty (Ottawa South, Ont.) did not rule out running for the party's leadership in an interview last week with The Hill Times.

"Right now, I'm working on these ideas [to rebuild the party], to take them forward. Everybody in the Liberal Party has an obligation to stop and think about how this will go forward and I'm really, really trying to raise the profile of the need here to make fundamental changes to the party and its process before we embark upon this journey," said Mr. McGuinty when asked outright if he's interested in running for the party leadership.

Pressed again, he said: "Right now, as they say, that's where I have to go. That's where I'm really focusing on. I'm looking forward to sitting down with Bill Graham on Tuesday or Wednesday for an hour. We're going to talk about these issues and go forward."

Last week, Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin and John Manley all bowed out of running for the leadership.

Some of the other possible names who could seek the Liberal leadership include: Ken Dryden (York Centre, Ont.); Joe Volpe (Eglinton-Lawrence, Ont.); Maurizio Bevilacqua (Vaughan, Ont.); Scott Brison (Kings-Hants, N.S.); Belinda Stronach (Newmarket-Aurora, Ont.); Michael Ignatieff (Etobicoke-Lakeshore, Ont.); former Grit MP Martin Cauchon; John Godfrey (Don Valley West, Ont.); Denis Coderre (Bourassa, Que.); Dennis Mills; Stéphane Dion (Saint-Laurent-Cartierville, Que.); Bob Rae and Ontario Education Minister Gerard Kennedy.

"We're down to the pygmies, at this stage," said one top Liberal. "The giant of the whole thing was McKenna. He was the one that had the capacity to do some of the healing, generate some of that healing that needed to be generated. He had recognition off the top, he has connections to the corporate community that would have made the debt situation maybe a bit easier to resolve. He had a whole lot of things going for him."

The top Liberal said despite a "small clump" of people in Toronto trying to drum up support for Mr. Ignatieff as the best candidate across the country, the comparison to Pierre Trudeau, doesn't wash.

"I think there's an uphill battle as far as Ignatieff is concerned."

Meanwhile, Mr. McGuinty, 46, who before entering politics served as president and CEO of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (NRTEE), and won the last election by defeating Conservative "star candidate" Allan Cutler, by a margin of more than 4,000 votes, said it's imperative for the party to start the rebuilding process from within as soon as possible.

"There's a need, in my view, everyday Liberals want, to a certain extent, reclaim their party. They want to do so because they don't feel from what I heard at the door that they are meaningful shareholders in this party," said Mr. McGuinty, whose older brother is Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty.

Mr. McGuinty said in order for the party to rebuild it's important to have a full and frank financial disclosure about the party's financial condition, and a "one-member, one-vote voting system for the next leadership convention and a new aggressive grassroots-based fundraising strategy."

Mr. McGuinty warned that if the Liberals did not generate fresh ideas for the party and did not reform the party, they could expect a serious backlash from Canadians in the next election.

Stephen Clarkson, a university professor, an expert on the Liberal Party and author of the recently-released The Big Red Machine: How the Liberal Party Dominates Canadian Politics, told The Hill Times that given that Mr. Harper has been able to win a minority government, the Liberal Party doesn't have a long time to rebuild.

"If there's an election this time next year, they've got only one year but they will have a big role in deciding how long Stephen Harper stays. If they decide they want to spend time on their policy development, they could take [longer]. They haven't got more than two years because minority governments don't last [long] and Harper's edge is even smaller than what the Liberals' was," said Prof. Clarkson, pointing out that Liberals had a hard time keeping their government afloat even after winning 135 seats in the 2004 election while Conservatives have managed to win only 124 seats in last month's election.

Prof. Clarkson added that the rebuilding process will require the Liberal Party to bring unity to the party's rank and file, generate new policy ideas and select an effective leader.

"Trying to regenerate a family solidarity is crucial because, especially in opposition, the party relies on volunteers and energy coming from citizen activists and not corporate sponsors. So, healing, reconciliation is crucial. Working out a set of policies on which the party can redefine itself will be very important...The choice of the leader will be crucial because on the leader hangs everything," said Prof. Clarkson.

Meanwhile, another Liberal pointed out to The Hill Times that the Liberals have missed out on electing a whole younger generation of MPs, in contrast to the Conservative Party's caucus, for instance, because the Liberals' nominations were protected for years under former prime minister Jean Chrétien.

"If the Tories don't make any huge mistakes and if they're able to turn the minority into a majority then the Liberal Party, when it looks for a leader, and you never want to admit this publicly, but reality has to enter into the equation at some point, you're looking at the person who is going to try and get us back into government in about six years. Well, that person should probably be in their 40s, not of the generation that got us into this mess, so it's a real predicament," said the Liberal.

But the Liberals have to stop being tempted by a candidate on a "white horse" and politics as personality because "nobody has the complete package."

Declared the Liberal: "We have to get away from this politics as personality. The grassroots should be feeding policy to a political arm that has the skill and experience to win seats with the idea of getting into power so that we can put into motion the policies that the people who support the party want. It's a simple model. It's worked well in the past and somehow we got away from that."

The Liberal said the party lost its way while in power. Without a strong opposition the party became lazy and fought with itself. Now it has to pick up the pieces and rebuild.

"I still believe the Liberal Party of Canada is still the most successful political party in the history of modern democracy. The leader of that party is still a prestigious position. I think we're going to get a good, solid slate of candidates, but the first focus is the process. The process has to be and be seen to be fair," said the Liberal, pointing out that more candidates will come forward when the rules are fair.

Arana@hilltimes.com
kmalloy@hilltimes.com
The Hill Times

Possible contenders for the Liberal leadership (according to CTV

Outgoing Prime Minister Paul Martin makes his way to hold a final news conference as Prime Minister in Ottawa, Thursday, Febuary 2, 2006.(CP PHOTO/Fred Chartrand)

Possible contenders for the Liberal leadership


Phil Hahn, CTV.ca News

Updated: Mon. Feb. 6 2006 6:30 PM ET

As Liberals don the uniform of the opposition in the House of Commons for the first time in over 12 years, the question of who will become their captain looms largely over them.

Prominent Liberals and leadership hopefuls, including Frank (Captain Canada) McKenna, John Manley and Allan Rock have said thanks, but no thanks.

The race is now "wide open" for new blood and new ideas, as Paul Martin said in his last news conference on Feb. 2.

"There are a number of stellar candidates who I think are going to bring in very different perspectives . . . to take us into the next generation."

Even before Martin announced his decision to step down after losing the 2006 federal election, there were rumours and whispers in the Liberal ranks about who would be the party's next leader.

Martin's successor will take control of a solid opposition party with more than 100 seats, and a base of support spread across the nation.

But whoever takes the Liberal helm will face the task of reuniting a deeply fractured party, according to Stephen Clarkson, a writer who has chronicled the party's ups and downs.

Infighting that started in the 1980s and exploded into a virtual civil war between Martin and Chretien loyalists must be stopped, he told CTV.

"They need to be united. That tradition of vendetta and feuding is what is at the core of the decline of the Liberal party, in my view," Clarkson said.

While the party recoups, re-energizes and lays out the ground rules for a leadership transition, CTV.ca has handicapped some potential candidates for the leadership of the Liberal party.


MICHAEL IGNATIEFF

The first-time MP was elected in the Toronto riding of Etobicoke-Lakeshore.

PROS: The 58-year-old Harvard professor is erudite with an engaging speaking style. He caught people's attention when he delivered the keynote address at the March 2005 Liberal policy convention. He's respected for his writings and scholarship on human rights issues, and is fluent in English, French and Russian. Often compared to Pierre Trudeau.

CONS: He's a political neophyte with zero experience in the House of Commons. Most of his life has been spent in the U.S. Although he has touted the left-leaning values of Trudeau, Ignatieff raised eyebrows in recent years by supporting the U.S. invasion of Iraq.


BELINDA STRONACH

The high-profile MP for the Ontario riding of Newmarket-Aurora was human resources minister in Martin's government. When asked on CTV's Canada AM whether she would run for the leadership, Stronach simply said with a smile: "You know, I'm here to serve."

PROS: The former auto-parts heiress is a star in the Liberal fold and, at 39, the youngest potential candidate next to Scott Brison. She could attract new blood to the Liberals and heal rifts between the old Chretien and Martin loyalists.

CONS: Many consider her a turncoat, after her unsuccessful bid for the Conservative leadership and her initial victory running as a Tory MP for Newmarket-Aurora in 2004. Although she has a vast network of connections, most of her bid team from her Conservative years have stayed with the Tory party. She's inexperienced, with less than two years under her belt in the House of Commons.


BOB RAE

Former New Democratic premier of Ontario from 1990 to 1995.

PROS: Rae has earned a reputation as a statesman, having handled high profile assignments such as the federal government's review into the Air India bombing, as well as advisor to the new Iraqi government. The Rhodes scholar was also considered a front-runner last year to succeed Adrienne Clarkson as governor-general. As a former NDPer, Rae could be a beacon to attract more supporters from the left.

CONS: . Many Ontarians are still left with bitter tastes in their mouths from Rae's premiership during recession years in the early 90s. Out of politics since 1995, Rae lacks an organizational base.

Former justice minister Martin Cauchon (CP / Paul Chiasson).

MARTIN CAUCHON

Justice minister under Jean Chretien.

PROS: Cauchon has deep roots in Quebec. The business lawyer seems to have strong support among many Quebec Liberals; there's even a blog dedicated to promoting him as next leader. He has a team of organizers ready to jump into a leadership race. Being a Quebecois can work in his favour, as Liberals usually alternate between English and French leaders (Martin, although he's from Quebec, is considered English).

CONS: Being from Quebec could also work against Cauchon. The past two Liberal leaders have represented Quebec ridings, and the party might want to go with a candidate from a different province. Further, as a Chretien loyalist, his experience in the Chretien cabinet -- and his past ties to some of the players in the sponsorship scandal -- could be seen as a liability.

Nova Scotia MP Scott Brison

SCOTT BRISON

Former Liberal public works minister and MP for Nova Scotia riding of Kings-Hants.

PROS: Brison could run as the sole, fiscally-conservative, socially progressive candidate from the Maritimes, now that Frank McKenna and Brian Tobin have bowed out. The 38-year-old MP for the Nova Scotia riding of Kings-Hants is very popular. As an openly gay politician, he's also considered by some Liberals to be an ideal symbol of a "progressive" platform. Brison once noted he's "not a gay politician, but a politician who happens to be gay."

CONS: Like Stronach, Brison is seen as a Tory turncoat who unsuccessfully ran for the Conservative leadership. He doesn't possess deep roots in the Liberal Party.

Former immigration minister Joe Volpe

JOE VOLPE

The Toronto MP (Eglinton-Lawrence) served as minister of citizenship and immigration as well as human resources minister under Martin.

PROS: Lots of experience at the federal level, having been first elected to the House of Commons in 1988. Speaks several languages, French, Italian, Spanish, and even some Mandarin and Punjabi

CONS: Not widely known outside of big cities. He seems to a long shot among the other potential contenders. He's a holdover from the Martin-Chretien wars and was reportedly kept out of Chretien's cabinet for being too close to Martin.

Former environment minister Stephane Dion

STEPHANE DION

The former environment minister under Martin and intergovernmental affairs minister under Chretien has represented the Quebec riding of Saint-Laurent-Cartierville since 1996.

PROS: Dion, considered a strong federalist, would dedicate himself to rebuilding the party in Quebec. He played a major role in the province promoting national unity and fighting off the Bloc in his duties as intergovernmental affairs minister.

CONS: His grasp of English isn't perfect, and he may struggle to win support across the country.

OTHER POSSIBLE CANDIDATES:

Maurizio Bevilacqua: The Toronto-area MP was chairman of the Commons finance committee under Martin.

Denis Coderre: former immigration minister and President of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada.

Ken Dryden: the hockey legend is a Toronto MP (York Centre) and served as Martin's social development minister.

WON'T RUN

Frank McKenna: He was considered the frontrunner for the job, but Canada's former ambassador to Washington announced Jan. 30 that being PM has not been " a burning ambition for me."

John Manley: Considered another strong contender, the former deputy prime minister and finance minister once ran against Martin for the party leadership. "I was ready for that three years ago when I sought the post, but you know times change and life moves on," said Manley. "It may not be forever but right now it wasn't the time to go back."

Brian Tobin: The man once known as "Captain Canada" for his defence of the East Coast fishery while he was a Chretien cabinet minister, said he thought it was time for "new blood" to enter the Liberal party.

Allan Rock: Canada's ambassador to the UN said after considering a run for the leadership and discussing it with his family: "We've decided that there are many ways to serve Canada and I am not going to take part in the leadership race."

Monday, February 06, 2006

Manley to Harper: Repair Canada-U.S. relations

Feb. 6, 2006. 03:58 PM
CANADIAN PRESS

A former senior Liberal cabinet minister says repairing Canada's relationship with the United States should be a top priority for new prime minister Stephen Harper.

John Manley says the two countries have to regain a personal trust that critics say deteriorated between President George W. Bush and former prime minister Paul Martin.

Manley, who recently decided not to pursue a run to replace Martin as the federal Liberal leader, was speaking at a Toronto forum on bilateral security.

He was joined by former U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge, who agreed the two countries need to work together better.

Ridge says the United States has accepted its differences in Canada on the Iraq war and the softwood lumber trade debate.

But Ridge says it's in both countries' interests to improve border security in a way that ensures no economic harm.


Also in the Guardian (for full story click Guardian Logo

Guardian Unlimited

Harper Sworn in As Canada's 22nd PM


Tuesday February 7, 2006 1:01 AM

AP Photo AJW105

By BETH DUFF-BROWN

Associated Press Writer

TORONTO (AP) - Stephen Harper, who promises to mend Canada's frayed relations with the United States, was sworn in as the nation's 22nd prime minister Monday, marking the first time in more than 12 years that the Conservative Party will rule this traditionally liberal nation.

....

But he used his first press conference after being elected on Jan. 23 to reiterate a campaign pledge to increase Canada's military presence in the Northwest Passage of the Arctic, a region that Washington believes is in international waters. Harper has also said that Ottawa would continue to fight Washington over its tariffs on Canadian lumber.

Former U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge, in Toronto for a forum on border security with former deputy prime minister John Manley, urged Harper to take another look at the concept of a common North American defense perimeter, one of the recommendations released last year by a task force co-chaired by Manley.

``Sometimes people confuse the notion that you're going to compromise sovereignty with collaboration,'' Ridge said.

Harper went into his first Cabinet meeting with ministers who also were sworn in. The new team had been kept under wraps and was made public only minutes before the ceremony.

Peter MacKay, deputy leader of the Conservative Party, was sworn in as minister of foreign affairs and Stockwell Day became minister of public safety, an important post that works closely with Washington on security and anti-terrorism issues.

Gordon O'Connor was sworn in as minister of defense. Harper declined to name a deputy prime minister, doing away with the post under him.

.....

Sunday, February 05, 2006

Why do Politicians leave Politics?

How wives changed Parliament's face
Feb. 5, 2006. 09:41 AM
JENNIFER WELLS
STAFF REPORTER

It smells peculiar."

Four years ago John Crosbie, ex of the House of Commons but still full of bonny mots, passed that judgment on Brian Tobin's decision to bow out of politics.

In making his announcement in January 2002, Tobin had by his side his wife, Jodean, whose sweet, youthful face was all but unknown outside of Newfoundland. It was the emotional pull of Jodean and their three offspring, said Tobin, that drew him to the conclusion that his political days were over.

To emphasize the point, Tobin offered this misty-eyed quote: "It's amazing what the glow of a Christmas tree will do to civilize even the most savage political beast."

Observers, in their turn, turned flinty-eyed in their examination of Tobin's exit, suggesting that the home-and-hearth trope was merely convenient cover for the cabinet minister's realization that the Liberal leadership was not in the offing. And anyway, weren't two of the Tobin's "children" in university? "Family reasons is an old saw, but it won't cut [it] in this instance," harrumphed Crosbie. "I don't believe it for a minute."

Today Mr. Crosbie makes this observation: "Practically two out of three times when some politician decides he's not going to run again, this is given as a reason," he says.

"It makes you sound, you know, responsible and reasonable and a family lover, etc. etc. It gives a warm and cosy feeling, I suppose."

As of this moment, Crosbie's two-out-of-three proves shy of the mark. A string of potential candidates for the Liberal leadership have offered up The Spouse and/or more broadly The Family as the compelling reason not to aim for the big job.

Tobin has taken a pass, defeating the '02 predictions that he was bound to make a reappearance on the political stage. So, too, have Frank McKenna, husband of Julie, John Manley, husband of Judith, and Allan Rock, husband of Debby Hanscom.

An echo of the possible wisdom of such a decision could be heard at week's end, when Paul Martin offered a brief and possibly half-joking sound bite on how Sheila Martin might feel, now that her husband's leadership days are behind him. (See sidebar quiz.)

Certainly, Mrs. Martin deserves a holiday on the family farm for as long as she darn well pleases, small reward for the interminable official functions in which she served as wife of the PM and the interminable hours spent on the hustings. To her credit, Sheila Martin never had the wide-eyed, paper doll look of some official wives. And in quiet sufferance she bore the endless attacks on the Ottawa Liberals as a corrupt force. "She had her share of fun," says someone who watched her up close in Ottawa. "You'd see her around the city having dinner with her friends." That, of course, was before the election. During the campaign, she stood at almost every single event, steadfast. "And then you see this spiral occur," says the Ottawaphile. "It does create a sense of hurt."

Why, we wonder, would someone not want to come up with a couple of million bucks to run a leadership campaign?

And why, we wonder, would someone not want to be the wife of that person, or, for that matter, the husband of that person?

And why, we wonder, would someone not want to have pins stuck in one's eyes?

The legitimacy of the family fallback can be known to only an intimate few. It has become the fashion in many arenas — business and sports are but two — to cite "personal reasons" as the rationale for exiting one's job. Such personal reasons, we know, run the gamut from "I knew I wouldn't get the top job," to "They're not paying me enough," to "The company failed to make its numbers so they've hurled me over the ramparts." The higher the position held, the more likely the "personal reasons" press release will be trotted out. The device is very big with CEOs and is often accompanied by a great deal of cash.

On rare occasions — say, the illness of a spouse — leaving for personal reasons may be transparently true.

On even rarer occasions, there comes along a politician or potential politician whose deep examination of his true self — as opposed to his public self — is offered up for all to see. General Colin Powell is one such. In announcing in November 1995, that he would not be seeking the Republican nomination, dashing all hopes of anointing the first black president in the U.S., Powell put his family, and most particularly his wife, Alma, first. "I have spent long hours talking with my wife and children, the most important people in my life, about the impact an entry into political life would have on us," he said. "It would require sacrifices and changes in our lives that would be difficult for us to make at this time."

`It would require sacrifices and changes in our lives that would be difficult for us to make at this time'Gen. Colin Powell, on not running for the Republican nomination
It was the contextualization that made the Powell announcement so compelling. He was exceptionally forthcoming about his wife's periodic depression, with which she had been grappling "for many, many years." And there was the hard work she had already endured — as a military spouse, Alma Powell had had to resettle the family after more than a dozen moves. The rumoured presidential bid had given the couple a taste of the loss of privacy they would suffer. "That makes you very vulnerable," she said once, commenting on how it felt to have strangers arriving on the doorstep. There was the hate mail. And fears for her husband's safety. The general had made no secret of his distaste for parts of the politics game: the "ad hominem attacks that destroy character"; the "incivility that exists in political life right now."

In the days after Powell's announcement, Newsweek ran a feature story in which the deciding moment is set with the Powells lying in bed one morning. Alma is weeping and she says, simply, "No." In a later interview, she said she had been emphatic about him not running. "I told him that from the very beginning."

As the Powell drama played out, Bloc Québécois leader Lucien Bouchard agonized publicly over his own political future and whether to enter provincial politics. "It's well known that my wife is not crazy about politics," he said of Audrey Best in November 1995, adding that his children, then aged 5 and 4, had learned the word "referendum." "They hate it. They spit when they pronounce it." The Los Angeles Times called it "Canada's version of the recent Colin Powell syndrome." Years later, when Bouchard resigned as Quebec premier, the young family, he said, was uppermost in his thoughts.

That said, knowing what we know about politics, particularly in its modern iteration, deciding to stay home may be the very essence of sensibility.

In September, Mark Latham, the former head of Australia's Labor Party, gave a rousing speech at the University of Melbourne entitled "Ten reasons why young idealistic people should forget about organized politics." Latham recounted the story of someone who had contemplated entering politics, but then thought the better of it because he "didn't hate his children enough."

The negative impact of family life was, Latham indicated, incalculable. The endless hours away from home; the ceaseless invasion of one's privacy. He quoted a former minister who had intoned, "Every day you spend away from your children is a day you never get back." Added Latham: "In politics, you spend far too many days away from your children."

The loss of personal life could, one supposes, be somewhat bearable were it not for what Latham described as the mounting antipathy on the part of the electorate. "Only the political class maintains the façade that what they do is important and well-respected."

The privacy invasion has not ended, however. Last week, Latham, now a self-described "home dad," threw a punch at a Daily Telegraph reporter outside of a Hungry Jack's restaurant, where he had taken his young sons for a bite.

Psychologists were quoted in the papers theorizing about Latham's lack of anger management skills and the possible traumatizing effects on the kids.

Warming to the subject that a life in politics appears not at all pleasing, John Crosbie admits it's tougher now than it was in his day. "The electorate are getting more cynical all the time," he says. "People don't look up to you because you run. They think you're just a self-seeking person, or power mad."

Crosbie was first elected to the House of Commons in October 1976. For years his wife, Jane, had been stalwart in support of his provincial career. "The only time she gave me real difficulty was when I first got elected [as an MP]," he recalls. "She had to decide whether she was going to come to Ottawa with me or stay back in St. John's to look after the dog. She had man's best friend there. She didn't want to leave him. At Christmastime, I finally had to say, `Now look, it's either me or the dog.' And I was, quite frankly, surprised when she chose me."

It is a bit of a shtick, but Crosbie now says he is in full sympathy with anyone who chooses not to be leader of a national political party. "It is getting harder to get your wife, and your children for that matter, to be supportive," he says.

And given his current enmity for air travel, he particularly sympathizes with East Coasters Brian Tobin and Frank McKenna. "To be treated like a scumbag every time you go through security," he says. "Life is getting tougher and more stressful."

Last Monday, McKenna held a news conference at the Canadian Embassy in Washington.

"I know what [political leadership] takes from you," said the outgoing ambassador. "I had to balance that against the opportunity to spend more time with friends and family, to watch my grandchildren grow."

He couldn't find the right balance when he was premier of New Brunswick, he said, and was "certain" that he would not be able to find that balance within the rigorous demands of the Liberal leadership.

Such a statement no longer "smells peculiar," to recall Crosbie's phrase.

It may be that the touted candidate holds not a chance of leadership success. It may be that the touted candidate has not the stomach for the rugged parliamentary sessions ahead.

Or it may be, it just may be, that it just ain't worth it.

Thursday, February 02, 2006

People start to Evaluate Runs

$2 million buys a ticket to the Liberal dance

By Andrew Dreschel
The Hamilton Spectator(Feb 1, 2006)

The clock on the Liberal leadership race hasn't officially started ticking yet and already it needs oiling.

With presumed frontrunners Frank McKenna and John Manley bowing out, the field, far from being wide open, is thick with speculation but thin with contenders.

It could be potential candidates are waiting for Paul Martin to formally step down and an interim party leader to be appointed before committing themselves to an uncertain future.

But as it stands now, it looks as if the natural governing party is several alpha monkeys short of a full barrel.

Money, of course, could be a crucial inhibiting factor.

It's notoriously expensive to mount an effective leadership campaign. And then there's the party's whopping debt, which prior to the election was said to be about $33 million, that also needs to be considered.

In an e-mail response to questions about her own plans, Sheila Copps, who twice ran for leader of the federal Liberals and once for the Ontario Liberals, figures you need at least $2 million to take a stab at it.

Noting she doesn't have that kind of money, Copps playfully asked for suggestions.

Unfortunately, I'm bereft of ideas, but a creative reader has proposed a mud-wrestling match between Sheila and Belinda Stronach as a party fundraiser.

I know who I'd bet on winning two out of three falls.

But perhaps it should be a tag team event with two other rumoured leadership candidates on the card -- Bob Rae and rookie MP and overnight media darling, Michael Ignatieff.

Then again, given their pointy head reputations, Rae and Ignatieff might be better equipped to engage in a fierce egg-rolling contest.

Glamour aside, it's perfectly understandable why Stronach has been considered a likely contender right from the start.

As heir to the Magna International fortune, Stronach's got the bucks to finance a campaign and, since she ran for the leadership of the federal Conservatives in early 2004, she has a wealth of recent experience.

The fact she crossed the floor to the Liberals last spring may be infuriating to Tories, but Liberals won't hold that against her. After all, even the great Winston Churchill, who was first elected as a Conservative, crossed over to the Liberals and then back again to the Tories.

In politics, loyalty is a much more flexible quality than ambition.

Ignatieff has neither Stronach's money nor experience, but at least he's an eloquent, brainy fresh face who's unburdened by any association with either Chretien or the departing Mr. Dithers.

On top of that, Ignatieff wrote The Russian Album, one of my favourite books about family roots and the Canadian immigrant experience. And he's the descendant of a famous Czarist spymaster. What's not to like?

As for Rae, outside of active politics, the former NDP premier of Ontario is both respected and admired. But Ontario voters will never forgive or forget his unpopular recession-era government.

Anyone pushing his candidacy should be serving drinks on another planet.

There are other names in the hopper, of course -- Tory crossover Scott Brison, Joe Volpe, Ken Dryden, and Martin Cauchon.

But surely the Liberals can do better than that, particularly since party connections, loyalty and experience no longer seem to be a prerequisite.

If the party is looking for star quality, it might be that Dan Aykroyd or Shania Twain are ready for political prime time.

Or perhaps the moment has come for Justin Trudeau to pick up his father's mantle and charm us with slogans about a "Justin Society."

Better yet, maybe his mother, Margaret, could take her crusade against bottled water -- surely one of the most pressing issues of our time -- to the Liberal leadership convention.

Whoever does finally throw their hat in the ring, we can at least look back on these early days of broken expectations and predictions as a reminder of why political science should always be regarded as an oxymoron.

Andrew Dreschel's commentary appears Monday, Wednesday and Friday. adreschel@thespec.com or 905-526-3495.

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